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THE STORY OF THE STATES 

KDITED 1;Y 

ELBRIDGE S BROOKS 



THE STORY OF THE STATES 



'^ s 



THE STORY OF NEW MEXICO 



BY 



HORATIO O. LADD 




ILLUSTRAT. 




BOSTON 

D LOTHROP COMPANY 

WASHINGTON OPPOSITE BROMFIELD STREET 



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6 



Copyright, 1891, 

BY 

D. liOTHRop Company. 



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PIONEERS OF NEW MEXICO, 

OF WHATEVER RACE, AGE, FAITH OR OCCUPATION, 
THIS STORY OF THEIR ADVENTURES, PERILS, TOILS AND SUFFERINGS 

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 
BY ONE WHO HAS EMULATED THEIR DEVOTION, SHARED THEIR LABORC 
A.-JD CHERISHED THEIR FAITH IN THE FUTURE PROS- 
PERITY OF THIS GREAT TERRITORY. 



PREFACE. 



DUEING a residence at Santa Fe, IST. M., in the years 
1880-90, my duties in planting educational institu- 
tions for the American, Mexican and Indian populations, led 
me to extensive travel among them, and also in behalf of 
these institutions to the prominent centers of the East. 
Many opportunities were thus afforded among these strange 
scenes and experiences, to gather the material for this story 
of adventure, Indian life and warfare, and of the modern 
development of New Mexico. 

I am greatly indebted not only to prominent libraries in 
this country but also to J. P. Whitney, Esq., of Boston, 
whose valuable collection of books on New Mexico was 
kindly furnished for my use. 

Especially, also, do I gratefully acknowledge the friendly 
aid of Mr. A. de F. Bandelier, of Santa Fe, whose noted 
archeological publications and unpublished manuscripts were 
placed at my disposal, after his thorough investigations and 
transcriptions from the Franciscan Mission and Mexican 
archives had left no desirable authority for the search of less 
favored students. 

I have also been enabled to make careful use of the official 
reports of the United States War Department, and the Eth- 
nological and Indian Bureaus at Washington. I have tlius 
examined over seventy volumes and pamphlets in several 
languages to verify the statements which this history con- 
tains. I therefore believe that they will be confirmed by the 
best authorities, however questioned through the prejudice of 
party, church or nationality. To avoid this has been the 
constant desire and effort of 

The Author. 

New York, February 1, 189J. 



CONTENTS. 



Period I. to 1536. 
CHAPTER I. 

ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO, THE ORIGIN AND CONDI- 
TION OF ITS FIRST PEOPLES . . . . , 



Period II. Spanish Discoveries. 1536 to 1591. 
CHAPl'ER II. 

MCA .......... 19 

CHAPTER III. 

COKt)NAD(j'S MARCH AND INVASION . . '^ „ . 36 

CHAPTER IV. 

CORONADO'S CONQUESTS ...... 50 

CHAPTER V. 

CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS ....,, 73 

CHAPTER VI. 

EXPLORERS ESPEJO, CASTANO ..... 85 



CONTENTS. 

Period III. Spanish Colonization. 1598 to 1680. 

CHAPTER VII. 

ONATE ....... o , . lOI 



Period IV. Rebellion and Native Independence. 
1680 to 1692. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

OTERMIN, CRUZATE TO VARGAS I25 



Period V. Spanish Rule. 1692 to 1821. 
CHAPTER IX. 

CAMPAIGNS OF VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS , . I47 

CHAPTER X. 

A CENTURY UNDER SPAIN 1700 tO 180O . . . 167 



Period VI. New Mexico Under the Mexican Con- 
federation. 1821 to 1846. 

CHAPTER XL 

ANCIENT DWELLINGS OF NEW MEXICO ..00 173 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE PUEBLO INDIANS ,...,.. I98 



CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER XIII. 

RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS AND GENERAL CONDITION OF THE 

PEOPLE IN 1837-40 ...... 222 

CHAPTER XIV. 

AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS ARMIJO . . , . 234 

Period VII. American Occupation. 1846 to 1862. 
CHAPTER XV. 

THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE ...... 255 

CHAPTER XVI. 

NEW MEXICO IN THE WAR OF 1846-47 , . . 270 

CHAPTER XVII. 

CONSPIRACY AND REVOLT ...... 283 



Period VIII. New Mexico in the Civil War. 
1862 to 1868. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE CONFEDERATE INVASION ..... 297 

CHAPTER XIX. 

ENGAGEMENTS AT APACHE CANON AND PIGEOn's RANCH 

RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES . . . 316 



Period IX. American Rule. 1865 to 1878. 
CHAPTER XX. 

NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS 333 



CONTEA^TS. 
CHAPTER XXI. 

SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES AND CHIEF VICTORIA . 353 

CHAPTER XX n. 

CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS BY GEN. CROOK , » 370 

CHAPTER XXni. 

THE CAMPAIGNS OF GEN. MILES . . . . , 2)9° 



Period X. American Development. 1879 to 1890. 
CHAPTER XXIV. 

RAILROADS AND CIVILIZATION . . . , , 405 

CHAPTER XXV. 

RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION .... 41O 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO ..... 425 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD 435 



I'HE CHRONOLOGICAL STORY ...... 455 

BOOKS RELATING TO NEW MEXICO .... 463 

INDEX ........>• 467 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 
Coronado's march ....... Frontispiece . 

A home m the cliffs .......... 2 

Utensils of the stone age ......... 5 

An ancient pueblo restored ........ 9 

The country of the Cliff Dwellers . . . . . . . _ 13 

A Moqui village ........... 23 

In an old pueblo .......... 31 

The ancient Navajo .......... 39 

View of the Cibola countr}- ........ 45 

Old Spanish palace — Santa Ye ....... 55 

" Roamed immense herds of buffaloes '"...... 63 

A Spanish friar ........... 75 

" The Black Robe is dead " 81 

A Navajo blanket weaver ......... 89 

The Pueblo of Zuni .......... 95 

Pueblo Una Vida, Chaco Canon ....... 105 

A Zuni interior ........... 113 

A Zuni pueblo restored ......... 131 

Death to the Spanish ......... 139 

An old Santa Fe Christmas Eve . . . . . . . 151 

Governors of Zuni .......... 159 

Old New Mexican houses ........ 179 

Zuni clny baskets .......... 189 

An Indian idol ........... 205 

Pueblo basketvvork .......... 215 

The hour of vespers ......... 225 

An adobe house .......... 229 



ILL USTRA TIONS. 

The pueblo of Santo Domingo ........ 237 

A hostile pueblo 245 

" The most tremendous chasms and gorges on the continent " . . 259 

A trading company .......... 265 

A New Mexican ranch ......... 273 

Along the Une of march 279 

Ringing the church bells at Santa Fe 285 

A young pueblo hunter ......... 289 

On the line of battle 301 

Leaving the lines 309 

After the surrender 321 

Santa Fe looking north 327 

Navajo Indian with silver ornaments 337 

Apache Indian boy 345 

Kit Carson 357 

On the Santa Fe trail 365 

A Chiricahua camp 377 

" The rough country cut up with ravines and cafions "... 385 

Captain Lawton's Attack • • 393 

A New Mexican fireplace .- . . . 399 

Founding a town in an irrigation district, Eddy .... 407 

Victoria the Apache 415 

Apache boys, two weeks at school . 421 

Head-gate irrigating canal in the Pecos Valley . . . . 429 

State capitol, Santa Fe 439 

A field of New Mexico sugar-cane 447 



THE STORY OF NEW MEXICO. 



PERIOD I. TO 1536. 



THE STORY OF NEW MEXICO. 



CHAPTER I. 

ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO, THE ORIGIN AND CON- 
DITION OF ITS FIRST PEOPLES. 



EW MEXICO is very 
old. It was the path- 
way of migrating races 
within a few centuries 
of the beginning of the 
Christian Era. It has 
been the abode of nations 
according to Humbolt since the 
year 600 A.D. Peoples kindred 
in their remote ancestry with 
the mound-builders, from the same regions of the 
Northwest, occupied the lofty mesas and tremendous 
gorges of New Mexico as they slowly spread south- 
ward. Fallen walls, half buried by sand-storms in 




ANTIQUITY OF NFW MEXICO. 



many desolate places of this country of the South- 
west, testify of the lives and activities of a popula- 
tion of many thousands when the Knights of the 
Middle Ages were leading multitudes on crusades to 
the Holy Land. Caves and cliffs and the smooth 
faces of submarine volcanic fissures still preserve the 
stories of their ancestors and the symbols of their 
superstitious faith. 




A HOME IN THE CLIFFS. 



The romance of a prehistoric past broods over this 
wonderful country. Nearer to us are the incursions 
of savage and marauding nations, ravaging among 
the relics of semi-cultured peoples. Even the Span- 
ish conquest and rule over New Mexico and its quite 
numerous population make a strange story to our 
youth who associate only Gosnold, the Cartiers, 
John Smith, and the Pilgrims with dim ideas of 
the Norsemen, in their impressions of the earliest 
American history. 

There are two theories worthy of consideration, 
by which to account for the first inhabitants of 
New Mexico. They may have sprung into existence 
on this continent, a truly aboriginal race; or they 



AKTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 3 

came from Asia. It will require much more scien- 
tific research than has yet been given to American 
antiquities, to make the first theory credible, and to 
overcome the more probable evidence of the Mongo- 
lian origin of this people. Their strong likeness in 
physical traits, customs, religious ideas and indus- 
trial relics, to the North-eastern Asiatic nations, to 
the Alaskan tribes, and also to the civilization of 
Mexico, Central America and Peru, links the ear- 
liest people of New Mexico to the old world human 
types. 

It is now generally believed that one of the three 
branches of the Mongolian race turned from Central 
Asia northward. A subordinate branch from this 
took an easterly direction, and peopled North-east- 
ern Asia, afterwards crossed Behring's strait and 
passed into America. 

Crossing this Strait would have been compar- 
atively easy. It is accomplished now when frozen 
over in winter. The headlands of America are vis- 
ible from the Asiatic side. Passages are frequently 
made by the Esquimaux traders in summer. There 
is an island in the Strait on wdiich they live, distant 
fifty miles from Asia, but one hundred and twenty 
from America. The narrowest width is but forty- 
five miles. There may once have been land commu- 
nication. This is made probable by the relics of the 
hairy mammoth on both sides of the strait. The 
lower shore of Alaska could have been populated by 
way of Kamscatka and the Aleutian Islands. The 
distance is but four hundred and ninty-one miles, 
broken into shorter stretches of water by island 



4 ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 

groups. Then the people streamed eastward, south 
ward, and along the Pacific coast. Through the 
lake regions they reached southward to the country 
of the Carolina States. Northward they touched 
Greenland, where the Esquimaux lived ; and in the 
South-west they moved from near the boundary of 
Utah across the plateaus of Arizona and New Mex- 
ico. Contemporaneously with the mounds and earth- 
works of the lake regions and Mississippi Valley, the 
cliff houses and seven cities of Cibola and numerous 
Pueblos Avere rising in the cartons and broad valleys 
of this region beyond the Rocky Mountains. 

There have been three periods of aboriginal his- 
tory in America. The most recent just precedes 
and for a while follows its discovery by Europeans. 
This is called the historical period. Beyond this is 
the longer period of the mound builders, the ances- 
tors of the Indian races. Still more remote is that 
which embraces the coexistence of man with extinct 
species of animals, or the age of the mammoth and 
reindeer in Europe The accidental proximity of 
human remains with those of extinct animals near 
the Mississippi, is the inconclusive evidence upon 
which this age of man in America chiefly rests. 

The original population of New Mexico has been 
included in the second historical period. In the 
mounds of the MississipjDi Valley were the rude 
models of wonderful structures far to the South. 
In similar works of earth and stone in the wilds of 
Colorado, Utah and New Mexico, the weapons, orna- 
ments and utensils discovered resemble in shape, 
material and symbols those of the mound-builders. 




UTENSILS OF THE STONE AGE. 



ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 7 

The most ancient are untensils of the stone age. 
A few pieces of copper in a native state are found, 
only hammered but not fused into shape for use, as 
in the historical |)eriod. The burial mounds of the 
Rocky Mountain regions contain evidences of the 
same customs of burial. There are traces of fire, of 
bones and vessels of stone and pottery, which con- 
tained the food prepared for the departed, or the 
remains of animals used in sacrifices and funeral 
feasts mingled with the skeletons of human victims. 

The dwelling places of these peoples in the South- 
west are indicated by the fragments of pottery on 
the surface of the soil and washed out of ruins 
heaped with drifted sands nnd molds of forest 
growths. Though their tools, ornaments and uten- 
sils do not seem to have improved in long periods of 
time, those discovered among the ruins of the 
ancient Mexican civilization and in Yucatan, and 
those examined by the first Europeans on that soil 
are nearly equal in texture and finish to the pro- 
ducts of corresponding centuries of European history. 
The oldest people of New Mexico were skilled in 
agriculture and sowed the land with corn, cotton 
and other seeds, and raised fruits to supply their 
necessities. They at first erected numerous buildings 
detached from one another and irregularly grouped, 
and afterward large communal buildings, in which 
several hundreds of people could dwell protected 
against their enemies. Then came the barbarous 
Athabaskans, who covered with their incursions the 
country of New Mexico, Arizona, California and the 
northern half of Mexico from the Gulf to the 



8 ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 

Pacific. This great predatory race occupied the 
regions from Hudson's Bay to the Rocky Mountains, 
and moved south over the remains of the partially 
civilized races left through those great periods of 
time which rolled over this Continent. 

The traces of these different peoples in New Mex- 
ico are discerned in languages, customs, products 
of industry and traits of character, but the marks 
which distinsruish them — rovins; in habit and war- 
ring against one another — are often obscure. 

" No attention is paid as yet to the fact that the 
relig-ious creeds of the Indians over the whole Amer- 
ican continent were moulded on the same pattern, 
that their social organization was fundamentally the 
same among the Cherokees, the Pueblos of New 
Mexico, the Mexicans and the Peruvians, that the 
system of government of the Iroquois differed from 
that of the Mexicans but very little, and that the 
same principles pervade aboriginal architecture from 
one Arctic circle to the other, varying only in degree 
and not in kind. It is constantly overlooked that 
the fact of a certain class of buildings being of stone 
and another group of Avood, does not necessarily 
imply a superiority of the builders of the former 
over the builders of the latter, and that the lung- 
house of the Iroquois shows as much mechanical 
skill, if not more, as the honey-combs in which the 
New Mexican Indians still live in part — that the 
carved dwellings of the North-west coast denote 
an advance in art not behind that of aboriginal 
Yucatan."* 

* A. de F. Bandelier's Paper before N. Y. Hist. Society. Feb. 3, 1SS5. 



ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 11 

In the region of New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado 
and Utah are left the descendants of five great fami- 
lies, into which the more recent populations, from 
the time of the Spanish Conquests to the present 
time, are divided. These are the Shoshonian, Kere- 
san, Zuiiian, Tanonan and Athabaskan stocks. To 
the first four belong the Moqui and Pueblo tribes; 
to the latter the fierce and powerful tribes of the 
Navajoes and Apaches. 

The Pueblo Indians, especially the Zuiiis, trace 
their ancestry to the North-west. Thither their souls 
will return according to the folk lore of this people. 
The Shoshones and the Athabaskans also assert 
their original homes to have been on the Columbia 
and in the North-west. The sedentary or Pueblo 
tribes came South to the Rio Grande before the rov- 
ing peoples. They moved below this river when 
thus pressed by the incursions of the savages. The 
ruins in that region were their abode. The Pimas 
of Arizona, whose organization and rites prove their 
kinship to the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico, claim 
an origin upon the soil in which they reside, with 
the tradition of a disastrous flood, from which only 
one man was saved. 

" Everything conduces to the belief that the popu- 
lation of South-eastern Utah, South-western Colo- 
rado, Northern Arizona and Northern New Mexico, 
drifted into the country from the North-west at vari- 
ous times and with differing forms of culture." 

The sedentary tribes at one time ranged over 
fully three-fourths of New Mexico. The lines of 
easterly occupation run several miles south-east of 



12 ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 

Las Vegas, at an average distance of thirty to fifty 
miles west of the river Pecos. 

Prof. A. cle F. Banclelier has traced an unbroken 
chain of remains of permanent aboriginal structures 
from the North, forty degrees latitude to the thirty- 
second parallel. ''These ruins have thence been 
followed through southern New Mexico to latitude 
thirty degrees, in northern Chihuahua — thence 
along the Pacific slope to Sonora. And after a 
break in the extension to Sinoloa, where the exist- 
ence of ancient villages is certain, and from Sin- 
oloa, there are ample traces of a continuous flow 
southward, giving ground for the belief that the 
American aborigines have been sedentary at short 
distances from each other along the whole line. 
The detached family house is in theory susceptible 
of an evolution ultimately resulting in the archi- 
tecture of central and southern Mexico; and the 
chano;es which it has underg-one in Arizona seem 
to indicate a first step in that line. 

''The compact architecture typified in the Com- 
munal, many storied agglomeration of cells called 
the 'Pueblo house,' reaches its southern limit along 
the Rio Grande at San Marcial. There the Span- 
iards found the first villaa;es in 1580, 1582 and 
1598. Below that point the detached-house type, 
in clusters, occupies the river banks at intervals, as 
far south as Dona Ana probably, certainly to Fort 
Selden, or latitude thirty-two degrees, thirty min- 
utes north. It is confined to the river bottom or 
its immediate approaches. East and west of it the 
barrenness of the country forbade permanent abode 



ANTIQUITY OF NEW MEXICO. 15 

to the land-tilling aborigines. I have no proof as 
yet of the existence of ruins farther down the great 
stream." 

The great number of ruins scattered through New 
Mexico does not necessarily indicate a large popula- 
tion. The traditions of the Zunis and Piruas show 
that they were occupied successively, but that both 
the large Communal and the detached family house 
were in use simultaneously in different sections, the 
people being forced by incursions of wandering 
tribes or of their neighboring Pueblo tribes, to seek 
protection in the larger type of houses, which is 
also the latest style of dwelling of the natives. 

Their devolopment from savage to sedentary 
tribes was very gradual, and equally unnoticeable 
was the disappearance of the sedentary tribes, mov- 
ing away before the wild tribes, who roamed over 
their former abodes. 

Yet the highest social development attained by 
these aboriginal tribes was that of a very simple 
organization, rude architecture, limited arts and 
industries of a tribe or tribal confederacy, and in the 
largest Pueblo associations, as of Pecos and of the 
Chaco or of the Animas, not more than two thou- 
sand were sheltered and protected in the Communal 
houses.* 

* A. de F. Bandelier. 



PERIOD II. 



SPANISH DISCOVERIES, 



1536 TO 1591. 



CHAPTER II. 



NICA. 



HE earliest Euro- 
pean history of 
America gave 
room for the 
Av i 1 cl e s t flights 
o f fancy. Vast 
realms of the New 
World were wait- 
ing to be discov- 
ered . Wealth 
untold would re- 
ward the brave 
and hardy explorers of regions that unknown races 
had occupied for centuries, while the civilized and 
enlightened kingdoms of Europe did not dream of 
their existence. 

Foremost in the spirit of adventure and the greed 
of gold were the Spaniards, to whom Columbus had 
opened a century of marvellous discovery and con- 
quest. Twenty years after the last expedition of 
this man, who had swung wide the gates of the New 

It) 




20 NICA. 

AVorld to mankind, and inflamed tlie pride of the 
Spanish nation by his matchless achievement, Piz- 
aiTO and Cortez aroused to the highest i)oint their 
ambition, and the lust for gold and power was call- 
ing the noble and the moinitaineer and the peasant 
to the })erils of exploring unknown lands, and of 
subduing peoples as numerous as the subjec^ts of 
the European kingdoms. 

After Cortez had conquered the Aztec empire and 
established his ill-gotten power in Mexico, he went 
back to Spain to receive tlu* honors of the court and 
the rewards of his king for such great acquisi- 
tions of military glor}' and domain to the honor of 
the Spanish crown. In lOoO Cortez returned from 
Spain with new^ power and a, new title — "The Mar- 
quis of the Valley." In his absence, Nuno Guzman 
had been President of New Spain, and acting with 
intense enmity to Cortez, had confiscated and wasted 
the })ro})ertv of Cortez and abused his friends. 

Cui/man had, however, received information that 
stirred his ambition to make the lirst expedition to 
that land of gold which became famous for adven- 
ture during the next sixty years. There came to 
him the story o{ the Se\-en Cities of Gold before 
the niar\elous reports of Cabeza de Yaca and his 
companions had reached Mexico. This story led to 
the Spanish discovery and invasion of New Mexico. 
The idl(> tales o{ an oliscure Indian led thousands 
of eager Spaniarils. with their Indian allies, to per- 
ilous journeying, strange discoveries and miserable 
deaths. lie was Guzman's servant, and the son of 
a trader, who had been wont to make expeditions 



mCA. 21 

into the far interior, obtaining gold and silver from 
the natives for his feathered wares. The boy had 
accompanied his father and described towns built of 
lofty houses and peoples who worked much in pre- 
cious metals. This land was forty days' travel 
north of Guzman's country, across a desert and 
between two oceans. Legends of seven cities in the 
West, of far earlier date, became confused with these 
later stories in the minds of the eager Spaniards. 
Guzman determined to hazard the great expense 
and danger of an expedition numbering four hun- 
dred Spaniards and twenty thousand natives on 
these unconfirmed stories of the land of the Seven 
Cities not very far off. Many rich Spaniards left 
large properties and many slaves behind them in 
Mexico to join this exploring army. Guzman 
marched from the City of Mexico with an imposing 
retinue, but his expedition could proceed no farther 
than the province of Culiacan and the Yakqui river. 
Fearing the wrath of Cortez, he therefore colonized 
this province and sought his fortune in this new 
country. But the fame of the Seven Cities remained 
like the Norseman's tales of the vine-clad shores of 
America, which again drew venturous crafts into 
the stormy ocean, and roused the thoughtful soul of 
Columbus to face the scorn and then win the admi- 
ration of the world. 

Francisco Vasquez Coronado, a brave and princely 
man, eight years later succeeded Guzman as Gov- 
ernor of Culiacan. Don Antonio dje Mendoza was 
Viceroy of all New Spahi, and had received with 
curious interest the startling account of Vaca and 



22 NICA. 

his companions. It seemed to verif}* the m}i,hs 
whose golden hues were attracting many eyes. 
They, too, spoke of great and powerful cities which 
they had seen, or of which tlie}^ had heard, with 
houses four or live stories high. The Vicero}' com- 
municated to Coronado their reports, and roused him 
to grasp the prizes of discovery and conquest in a 
territory neighboring to his province. Vaca and 
his two Spanish comrades had returned to Spain. 
The negro Estevanico, who had accompanied them, 
alone could be used to guide a military expedition 
into the strange land. 

"Before, however, an expedition was started the 
Viceroy cautiously determined to reconnoiter the 
country, with smaller preparations, less risk of lives 
and minor expenditure. No better scouts could the 
Spanish administrator secure than missionaries of 
the church. They were wont to risk everything to 
penetrate everywhere, regardless of danger. For 
one who perished many were eager to follow. Such 
men could be im})licitly trusted; they harbored no 
after-thought be\ond the crown of martyrdom, 
which was their most glorious reward."'*' 

In 1538 two friars, Pedro Madal and Juan de la 
Asuncion traveled so far north that they reached 
the Gila river, which they could not cross, but they 
were thus the iirst to discover Arizona. Mendoza, 
with clear insight into his character and qualifica- 
tions, now selected Marcos of Nice, whose experi- 
ence in Peru, Quito and Guatemala, and for several 
years in jNIexico had specially fitted him for these 

*A. de F. Baiidelier. 



NICA. 25 

difficult northern explorations. The negro Este- 
vanico, and several Pima Indians, who had followed 
Vaca, and had been taught Spanish for interpreters, 
were given as guides and companions to Fray Mar- 
cos. This Franciscan monk was instructed by the 
Viceroy to travel with the greatest possible safety, 
to avoid conflicts with the peoples, to take note of 
their country, climate, soil and productions, and 
bring back, if possible, samples of their industries, 
fruits, grains and metals. The negro was com- 
manded to give implicit obedience to the friar, on 
penalty of serious punishments for disregard of his 
instructions. Onorato, a lay Franciscan brother, was 
added as a companion, but on account of sickness 
could proceed no farther than Petatlan with him. 

The company set forth on their journey Friday, 
March 7th, 1539, from the town of St. Michael 
in Culiacan. Their route for the first five days 
crossed a desert, then northward into the valley of 
the Sonora, and after five days entered another arid 
land; then followed the river San Pedro to near 
the junction of the Gila and entered a barren plain, 
beyond which was the town of Cibola, which hav- 
ing reached after accomplishing a distance of three 
hundred leagues, they returned to report to Mendoza 
at Mexico. Reading the Friars' own story of 
this remarkable journey, with something of the 
eager credulity of the Spaniards, whom he beguiled 
to follow his steps for conquest, we shall not won- 
der at its power to lead them to disappointment, 
despair and death. It was a substantially true 
narration, except that the covetous hearts of the 



26 ^ NICA. 

countrymen exaggerated the riches of gold and sil- 
ver that the natives Avhom he met, ignorantly 
reported to exist in the countries he described. 
Mendoza said of Niga, that "God had shut up the 
gates of this marvelous country to all those who by 
strength of human force have gone about to attempt 
this enterprize, and hath revealed it to a poor and 
barefooted friar." * 

The early stages of their journey were marked 
by great kindness and hospitality from the inhabit- 
ants. Leaving Petatlan, they traveled near the 
coast, in the thinly settled country of the Yaqui 
people. Beyond the first desert Ni^a discovered 
that the Spaniards were unknown, and their white 
faces were regarded with astonishment. The inhab- 
itants desired to touch Nina's garments in their rev- 
erence, and loaded him and his couipanions with 
provisions. To all his inquiries regarding the seven 
cities of gold, Ni^a could obtain no satisfactory 
replies. When in the center of the present State of 
Sonora, at Vacupa, the modern Matape, he received 
such assurances of large towns rich with gold and 
turquoises, from the people, who began to perceive 
what he most desired to know, that he hoped to 
find another kingdom like Montezuma's in the coun- 
try beyond. He dispatched the negro to the north 
and east, instructing him to journey for one hun- 
dred and fifty miles, and if he should learn of popu- 
lous, rich and extensive countries, to go no farther, 
but report b}' token of a white cross the size of a 
hand's length or proportionately larger, the extent of 

* W. W. H. Davis' Conquest of New Mexico. 



NICA. 21 

the country. On Passion Sunday (April 5th) , Este- 
vanico set forth, and before Easter Sunday had 
dawned (April 19th), an Indian brought back to 
Niqa a cross as high as a man, and the story that 
thirt}^ days' march from where the negro remained, 
the first town of a country called Cibola was to be 
found. An Indian accompanied the messenger, who 
said he had been there, and that there were seven 
cities in the first province under one sovereign. 
Their houses were built of stone, masonry and tim- 
bers, they were two and three stories high, the 
house of the king had four well arranged floors, 
and the gateways of the chief men were orna- 
mented with turquoises laid in the wood. The 
people of Cibola were clad in gowns of cotton reach- 
ing to the feet, with broad sleeves, girt with curi- 
ously wrought turquoise belts, and over these were 
coats of leather ornamented with precious stones. 
Beyond the first province of Cibola, were three 
others called Marata, Acus and Totonteac. 

Marcos de Ni(^a in two days left Vacupa, passing 
through the Opala country in the valley of the 
Sonora river. Here were populous villages and a 
country abounding in food. The people were dressed 
in cotton and leathern mantles, and adorned with 
turquoises in the ears and nostrils. They offered 
him o-ifts of hides, beautiful drinkino- vessels, and 
food of quails, maize and pine nuts, and when the 
route lay through the desert, they sent forward 
food for his company to supply their wants. The 
gray woolen garments of the friar attracted their 
attention. They declared that the people of Toton- 



28 NICA. 

teac wore clothing of a similar material made of 
the hair of a little beast. The Moqiiis still Avear a 
cloth or blanket woven from fine strips of the skin 
of the jack rabbit. 

Estevanico the ne^ro, instead of waitino*, increased 
the distance between himself and the monk, send- 
ing urgent messages back that he should hasten 
forward. The friar kept constantly to the north. 
For five days he passed through the well watered 
valley of the San Pedro, with fertile soil highly cul- 
tivated, and with a large population. Some of the 
villages were more than a mile in length. They 
belonged to the Soba3'puris, a branch of the North- 
ern Pimas, in South-eastern Arizona. A fut>;itive 
from Cibola in one of these villages, of light com- 
plexion and rather more intelligence than the people 
around him, favorably impressed Nica Avith the con- 
sistent account he gave of the cities and provinces 
beyond the great desert. It was here that he 
received the last messao-es from the neoro o-uide at a 
village estimated by Marcos as three hundred and 
twelve miles from Yacupa. The Indians were anx- 
ious to accompany the monk to Cibola, and detained 
him for three or four days in preparations of food 
and other things for crossing the desert. From the 
large number who were read}' to attend him, he 
selected thirt}' who seemed to be principal men, 
while a number of others carried provisions. 

On the ninth of May they entered the desert ; the 
next day crossed the Gila river, traveling oyqv a 
well-beaten road, by the side of which were conven- 
ient stopping places, where provisions and shelter 



mCA. 29 

were prepared. It seemed to be the main road to 
Cibola, where lodging places and signs of fire kin- 
dled by travelers were frequent. On the second of 
June, 1639, Niga relates that he was "met by an 
Indian, son of one of the chiefs who accompanied 
me, and who had followed Estevanico, the negro. 
His face was all dejected and his body covered with 
perspiration; his whole exterior betokened great 
sadness. He announced the death of the guide and 
companion of Marcos." * 

Estevanico had passed this desert with three hun- 
dred Indians, and having entered the country be- 
yond, with a great display of importance, he had 
received a great many gifts of turquoises, provisions 
and clothing, and beautiful women for slaves. He 
affected a kind of triumphal march through the 
country, having a great gourd decorated with red 
and white feathers and a string of bells, carried 
before him as a symbol of peace. His messengers 
sent forward to Cibola were prohibited by the magis- 
trate from entering the town. This greatly alarmed 
his attendants, but Estevanico went bravely forward 
to the gates of the city. Here he was made a pris- 
oner and plundered of all the turquoises he had 
brought, and he was put without food under a strict 
guard. In a council of old men the next day, he 
was asked why he came into the countr}^ He told 
them that he preceded two white men learned in 
divine things which they would tell the people of 
Cibola. Their king, a mighty prince, had sent them 
to explore the country. The decision of the council 

*A. de F. Bandelier. 



30 NICA. 

was that his story was false. Estevanico was a 
black man, but professed to come from a country of 
white people. He was arrogant in his manner and 
demands and did not act like a messenger of peace. 

After four days Estevanico was condemned to be 
put to death, and being taken toward the town, he 
attempted to escape, but was shot with arrows, and 
in a conflict which immediately arose between the 
inhabitants of the town and his followers, only three 
escaped, two of whom were wounded and the third 
was the bearer of these alarming tidings to Niga. 
The Spanish historian, Casteneda, says, that "sixty 
out of the three hundred who had accompanied the 
negro, shared his fate." 

The friar was astounded at the fate of his guide, 
but could not be dissuaded from his purpose of reach- 
ing Cibola. His Indian companions refused to go 
farther. He learned that they were intending to put 
him to death, on account of the disasters which had 
overtaken their people with Estevanico. Niqa divid- 
ed among them all the articles for trade and gift 
which were still in his possession, and temporarily 
quieted their anger. But he was a resolute man, and 
though a priest he had all the courage of a warrior. 
With undaunted heart he declared that he would see 
Cibola, whatever the dangers he must meet. Two 
of the chiefs at length decided to go with him ; and 
with a few other Indians, he immediately resumed 
his journey. Soon they met the two wounded com- 
panions of Estevanico in a terrible plight, and again 
his courage triumphed over the fears of his Indians. 
They came in sight of Cibola, built in a plain on the 



NICA. 33 

slope of a hill of round shape. NiQa ascended a 
mountain to view the city, whose fame had filled 
the imaginations of Spaniards with glowing pictures 
of grandeur and royal magnificence. He beheld 
the houses built in order as the Indians had told 
him, "all made of stone, with flat roofs and divers 
stories." 

"Ni9a's account of the town states that its size 
was more considerable than Mexico.* But how 
large was Mexico in 1539? The Indian settlement 
had been destroyed in 1521; its ruins, even, were 
obliterated. The Spanish town sprang up in 1524, 
and it is questionable whether in 1539 it had many 
more than one thousand inhabitants. A many sto- 
ried Indian Pueblo always looks, from the distance, 
twice as large as it really is, and even if Mexico had 
two thousand souls, the comparison, far from being 
exaggerated, was very proper and truthful indeed." 

The friar was tempted several times to go into 
the town, but considering the danger that if he 
should be killed the knowledge of the country might 
be lost, he, faithful to the instructions of the Vice- 
roy, refrained from the needless risking of his life 
and defeat of the mission entrusted to him. He 
therefore limited himself to the act of taking for- 
mal possession of the seven cities, the kingdoms of 
Totonteac, Acus and Marata in the name of Don 
Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy and Captain-General 
of New Spain, for his majesty the Emperor. Rais- 
ing a heap of stones upon the mountain and sur- 
mounting it with a cross, the province of Cibola 
*A. de F. Bandelier. 



34 mcA. 

became by this act, "The New Kingdom of Saint 
Francis." A priest's conquests are the least expens- 
ive of blood and treasure. 

The most faithful ethnological researches by those 
thoroughly qualified explorers and historians. Messrs. 
x\. de F. Bandelier and F. H. Gushing, have without 
doubt determined that the town of Cibola of the six- 
teenth century was the Zuiii town Caquineco, which 
lies in a niche of the southern slope of the great 
mesa of Zuiii and is plainly visible from the south 
side only. 

Nica did not stay long to dream of other worlds 
to conquer. From the mountain top he turned to 
regard the realities of his situation, and with "more 
fear than victuals," as he says, he hastened to rejoin 
the Indians whom he had left two days' journey be- 
hind him. He re-crossed the great desert and pain- 
fully encountered the Sobaypuris, who were filled 
with grief on account of the loss of their relatives 
in the retinue of Estevanico. He felt that there was 
no safety until, by a rapid flight through the second 
desert, he found himself again among the Opalas. 
Then the monk turned aside from his direct route 
to explore the great plain on the east, where were 
"seven villages, of reasonable size and tolerably dis- 
tant, a handsome and ver}^ fresh-looking A^alley, and 
a very pretty town whence much smoke arose." 
These were towns in Southern Sonora inhabited by 
people who knew and used gold. 

Taking possession of this country by planting two 
crosses, this loyal friar now made great haste to 
return and make report of his discoveries; and hav- 



XICA. 35 

ing arrived in Compestella, he became at once the 
hero of the hour. The story of liis adventures 
aroused Coronado to intense interest, and g-ave the 
necessary impetus to a great military expedition, 
which forms the most romantic chapter in the his- 
tory of New Mexico. The official report of Marcos 
de Xiga was made on nine sheets of paper and given 
to the Viceroy September 2. 1539. 



CHAPTER m. 



COKONADO S MAKCH AKD INVASION. 



CORONADO received Mar- 
cos de Niqa immediately 
after an unsuccessful ex- 
pedition into the province 
of Topeia north of Culia- 
can, which had proved to 
be barren and uninviting. 
Niga, on his arrival at 
Mexico, was at once given 
audience with the Vic.eroy. 
His mind Avas filled with 
illusions, but he truthfully 
declared that he had 
found the seven cities 
which Nuiiez de Guzman had souo;ht in vain. He 
told his story in the pulpits, which added to it the 
author it}^ of the church. 

It was repeated in neighboring towns, with no 
loss of wonders. The pulpit in those days performed 
the office of the press. The authority of both the 
Viceroy and the church speedily made successful the 

36 




COEONADO'S 3IARCH AND INVASION. 37 

effort to raise an army to conquer these regions. 
Four hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians 
volunteered for the expedition to Cibola. Men- 
doza invested seventy thousand pesos (dollars), an 
immense sum at that time, in this enterprize. He 
appointed as Captain-General, Coronado, whose qual- 
ifications as provincial governor and whose patron- 
age of Nic^a, inspired great confidence. His conduct 
of this expedition confirmed the character ascribed 
to him, as, "a good gentleman and a wise, prudent 
and able man." He left behind him in New Spain 
not onl}' a fortune, but a lovely wife, and was indeed 
as proud as he was careful of the brilliant retinue 
of gentlemen who composed the expedition, fully 
sharing the privations and toils which their adven- 
tures imposed on them all. Coronado' s letters and 
official report to Mendoza give reliable information 
of the events and discoveries which are so honorably 
associated with his name. And Casteneda, a man 
of education and abilitv, though a common soldier 
of the expedition, in an account written after his 
return to Culiacan, supplements and confirms the 
official statements of his General, with interesting 
descriptions and details in manuscript preserved in 
the Lenox library in New York, and first publislied 
in French by Ternaux Campans in 1838. 

Coronado chose from among the distinguished 
cavaliers of his little army Don Pedro de Tobar for 
standard bearer, and Lopes de Samaniego as colonel, 
and for captains, Trislan de Arellano. Pedro de 
Guevara, Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, Rodrigo Maldo- 
nado Diego Lopez and Diego Guterrez. Mendoza 



38 COBONADO'S MARCH AND IXVASION. 

designed in the service of this expedition to find 
relief from the numerous titled youths who crowded 
upon attendance at his court, and whose ambitions 
and passions were a peril to his power. The troops 
were lodged and fed h\ people of rank, and when 
fully organized Avere ordered to rendezvous at Com- 
pestella. on the Pacific Coast. Soon after New 
Year's Day, 1840, they were there reviewed by the 
Viceroy. After Mass was celebrated he addressed 
them with most encouragmg words. Their expedi- 
tion was to add to the national glory and to their 
personal fortunes. It would be of incalculable serv- 
ice to the King, who would reward them \vith lavish 
bounties and favors on their return. The Viceroy 
appealed to their devotion to the Christian religion 
which they would carry to a heathen country and 
establish among a great people. The soldiers took 
oath of entire obedience to their General, the offi- 
cers were acknowledged anew before the whole 
army, and the next day after the Viceroy's arrival, 
the march was begun. Great numbers of noblemen 
and other people assembled to witness the passing 
of the army. It was headed by the Viceroy for two 
days, adding by his presence to the intense enthusi- 
asm which prevailed among the troops and the pop- 
ulace, who shouted to each other in the ardor of 
anticipated triumph in the conquest of rich nations. 

There were fifteen hundred men with a thousand 
horses in the procession as they marched out of the 
citv with trumpets soundini>:, sjlisteniuii- banners, 
armors fiashing in the morning sunlight, and the 
brilliant colors of the dress of Spanish cavaliers. 




THE AJtCTF.NT NaVaJO. 



CORONADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 41 

Five thousand sheep and one hundred and lifty cows 
of Spanish breed, for the new settlements, were 
driven before the army. 

After two or three days of easy marching, they 
entered upon a wild and mountainous country. 
The baggage, loaded insecurely on pack-horses, 
fell off, and after many vain attempts to transpoi't 
it, much was thrown away by the discouraged sol- 
diers. The gentlemen who had expected a holiday 
excursion became their own mule drivers and ser- 
vants, performing the most menial duties, and their 
hardships increased with every mile. The army, 
greatly exhausted, reached Chemetla, where their 
provisions failed. Coronado's march was designed 
to be along the sea-shore, and two vessels loaded 
with provisions and baggage had been dispatched 
from Natividad under Pedro Alarc^'on to join the 
expedition at the head of the Gulf of California, with 
supplies for the troops, but no junction was ever 
made. At Chemetla Colonel Samaniego was killed 
by the Indians, upon whom summary punishment was 
inflicted, and the village in which he was surprised, 
destroyed, with all its inhabitants. The lack of 
food, the unexpected hardships at the beginning of 
the long march, and the savage character of the 
inhabitants of this province, caused some to be dis- 
couraged, and the return to Chemetla of a detach- 
ment sent by Coronado toward Cibola when Ni(^a 
went to Mexico, still further dispirited the troops. 
Their report, though they had not crossed the great 
desert, was in great contrast to the glowing accounts 
of Ni^a. The friar at once, with unabated zeal 



42 COBONADO'S 31 ARCH AND INVASION. 

repeated his stories of wonderful cities, rich coun- 
tries, green valleys and broad rivers beyond the 
desert. He believed that all who should enter this 
country would return rich in possessions. The sol- 
diers' spirits were somewhat revived by the monk's 
confident words, and proceeding on their march, 
they arrived near Culiacan on Easter Eve. This was 
the last Spanish settlement six hundred miles from 
the City of Mexico. 

The citizens welcomed their Governor and his 
army on the day after Easter with special honors. 
A sham battle was fought, in which the Spanish 
troops entered the city in triumph. They were 
freely received into the houses, where was left much 
of the army baggage which could no longer be trans- 
ported. While recruiting the army here for a month 
Coronado attempted to stimulate his men by artifice. 
A soldier declared that he had been tempted by the 
devil in a vision to kill Coronado and even promised 
his wife if he should succeed in the attempt. Mar- 
cos de Ni^a, in an eloquent sermon, declared that 
this was on account of the wonderful discoveries 
for the glory of the Christian faith that Coronado 
should make, and this injurious interpretation was 
sent back to be repeated with many additions for 
the comfort of the soldiers' friends in Mexico. 
Truxillo, the soldier, was ordered to leave the army. 

Coronado' s impatient spirit could not wait for his 
army. He took with him fifty cavaliers, a few 
infantry soldiers, a number of special friends, and 
all the monks eager for the conquests of the cross, 
and departed for Cibola, leaving the army in com- 



CORONADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 43 

mand of Arellano to follow in fifteen days. Coro- 
nado made good progress, till one of the priests broke 
his thigh, and was sent back to Culiacan. The 
Indians of the country were friendly, remembering 
Ni^a, over whose course they were marching. In a 
distance of six hundred miles they took in Petatlan, 
Cinaloa, the Yakami river, Sonora, thence to the 
Nixpa river, then descending the San Pedro for two 
days, which runs in a northerly direction, they 
skirted Mount Graham and reached the Gila river, 
near which they found some remarkable views, and 
soon after entered the ruins of Chichilticale. This 
place had been extolled by Niga in his narrative to 
Coronado, who, finding that it dwindled down in his 
own sight to a pueblo in ruins and roofless, was filled 
with forebodings as to what might prove bitter dis- 
appointment of cherished hopes of discovery. Nei- 
ther the country nor the inhabitants, in their 
wretched condition, gave him any encouragement. 

But Coronado would not wait for his army. The 
populous part of the country had been passed. The 
edge of the great desert was at hand. Coronado 
pushed forward into it, and for fifteen days the com- 
pany traveled through this depopulated region of the 
present Apache reservation. The red and muddy 
waters of the Vermejo (Zuiii) river met their joy- 
ful sight, after monotonous stretches of sand and 
sage brush and cactus, had been wearily passed. 
Here they found an abundance of fish like the mul- 
lets of Spain, and the first Indians of the Cibola 
country were discovered. The Spaniards heard the 
first war whoop in an attack by night made upon 



44 CORONADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 

them when only twenty miles from Cibola. The 
next day their eager eyes beheld one of the seven 
cities, which corresponds to the Havicu of the pres- 
ent day, though not the one which Ni^a had first 
seen. The soldiers, however, broke out in curses 
upon the friar. Their golden fancies were dispelled. 

Before them was a village containing not more 
than two hundred warriors. It was situated high 
upon a rock. The approach to it was by narrow 
and steep winding steps. The warriors were drawn 
up in battle a short distance before the town, and 
showed signs of bitter hostility, brandishing their 
weapons with threatening gestures. Coronado or- 
dered them, through an interpreter, to surrender. 
They again wildly brandished their weapons, and 
uttered loud cries of defiance. 

The starving condition of his men allowed no 
delay in the assault, and Coronado ordered his horse- 
men to dismount, and himself led the attack upon 
the gates, Avhere a scaling ladder was visible The 
cross bowmen could not keep the Indians from the 
walls by their arrows, and they hurled showers of 
stones upon their assailants. Coronado, conspicu- 
ous by his shining armor, was struck down by one 
of these missiles, and he nearly lost his life at the 
outset of his adventures in this strange country. 
Alvarado and Cardenas threw themselves before 
him, receiving the shower of stones which followed 
his fall, and carried him bruised and exhausted from 
the field. The Spaniards gave the beseiged no rest, 
and the Indians in dismay saw them steadily advanc- 
ing up the height. In an hour they had captured 



COnON ADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 47 

the town, and the subjugation of the Pueblos to long 
years of Spanish rule had begun. The place con- 
tained many provisions, and the troops rested on 
their victory. None of them were fatally injured 
in the assault. 

Meanwhile the army had resumed its march upon 
the route pursued by Coronado, but advanced no 
farther than the river Gila, where they awaited 
instructions from the General. These came by the 
middle of October. NiQa accompanied the bearers 
of these dispatches, who also were on their way to 
the Viceroy with Coronado' s report of the expedi- 
tion. They had not found at Cibola, the fairy cities, 
kingdoms nor palaces of their dreams. Marcos 
would have been crushed under the maledictions of 
the soldiers had he remained with the army. 

Arellano had founded a city, where the soldiers 
unfit for the march were ordered to remain under 
the command of Melchior Diaz, while the army pro- 
ceeded to Cibola, where the troops were received by 
Coronado into comfortable winter quarters. 

The §even cities of the province of Cibola were 
favorably situated in a valley. The most populous 
was named MaQaque. Some of its houses were six 
and seven stories high; most of them were four sto- 
ries high, ascended by ladders from terrace to ter- 
race. Coronado reported to Mendoza that the town 
from which he wrote had about five hundred houses. 
The people wore cotton mantles, with furs and skins 
for winter covering, but generally went nearly naked 
in summer. They daily received instruction from 
priests selected from the aged men. The climate 



48 CORON ADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 

was variable, often cold, with occasional rain, and 
they provided themselves with fire-wood from cedars 
growing twelve or fifteen miles distant. They had 
no fruit trees, but their fields bore excellent grass 
and maize, which they ground more finely than did 
the natives of Mexico. The wild beasts of the coun- 
try were bears, mountain lions, wild sheep and 
goats, deer, and elk of great size, whose skins the 
people tanned and painted for clothing and orna- 
ment and also embroidered. They were industrious, 
disposed to peace, and neither given to drunkenness 
nor cannibalism. They buried their dead with the 
implements of their occupations. They were fond 
of music and sang in unison with those who played 
on flutes. Their worship, received from tradition, 
was mostly toward the waters, for by them their corn 
was made to grow, and their lives were thus pre- 
served. Their women were well treated and were 
clad in tunics of cotton and mantles of finely-dressed 
deer skins, passing over the shoulder, fastened at 
the neck and falling under the other arm. Their 
hair behind the ear, Avas fashioned like a wheel and 
resembled the handle of a cup. Turquoises hung 
from the ears and Avere used as necklaces and gir- 
dles. A man had but one wife and lived single 
after her death. Their weapons were bows, spears, 
stone hatchets and shields of hides. 

The people of Cibola withdrew their families to 
the mountains, and were at first unwilling to com- 
municate to Coronado the information he desired 
concerning the neighboring provinces. They, how- 
ever, were induced to send messengers to distant 



COROXADO'S MARCH AND INVASION. 49 

towns and invite them to a conference with the 
strangers. Few responded to the invitation. But 
the Cibolans declared their willingness to submit to 
the laws of the Spaniards and to have their children 
instructed in their religion. The}^ also said that 
fifty 3'ears before it had been prophesied that a peo- 
ple like the Spaniards should come from the south 
and subdue their country. Had the fame of the 
landing of Columbus at San Salvador fifty years 
before, been borne across the gulf and over the 
plains as a prophecy of the future rulers of this 
land? 



CHAPTER TV 



COEONADO S CONQUESTS. 




WHILE the army were re- 
cruiting at Cibola, Cor- 
onado decided to explore the 
country of Tuyayan, of which 
he had received remarkable 
reports. It had seven towns 
now called the villages of 
Moqui, which are about one hundred and twenty- 
five miles distant from Zuiii. Coronado entrusted 
the expedition to Don Pedro de Tobar, one of his 
most skillful and reliable captains. With a small 
number of mounted soldiers, he rapidly and secretly 
accomplished the march, not only to the province 
but to the walls of the first villag-e, without being 
discovered. Arriving there at night, the Spaniards 
encamped before the town without being observed. 
The Indians beheld them the next day with aston- 
ishment and superstitious fear of their horses, which 
they had never seen before, but sounding an alarm, 
they gathered with their accustomed bravery, to 
repel the new enemy. The Spanish interpreter 



COROK ADO'S CONQUESTS. 51 

sought to assure tliem of fiienclly intentions. The 
Indians commanded the troops not to cross a certain 
line, and one of tliem attempting to do this, was 
immediately driven l^ack. Friar Juan de Padilla, 
who accompanied the expedition, was so enraged 
at the resistance thus ottered to the Spanish soldier, 
that he exclaimed, ''In truth I do not understand 
why we have come here." Thus encouraged by a 
priest, the Si)aniards, ever read}^ for a conflict, 
rushed forward and drove the Indians to their 
houses, killing many of them in the onset. The 
Moquis now sought for peace, and offered gifts of 
turquoises and poultry, and the whole province 
yielded at once, the chief men of other villages 
coming to invite the Spaniards to visit them. 

Tobar reported to Coronado his easy conquest, 
and the location of an immense river of which he 
had learned, still farther to the west, which greatly 
excited the interest of his General, who immediately 
began preparations to explore it. A small party of 
twelve men were put under command of Captain 
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, and in a journey of 
twenty days through a desert region, they came to 
the great river Colorado of the west, or Tizon, as it 
was then named. Its btUiks were of incredil)le 
height. It seemed not more than a yard wide, 
while they thus looking down upon it, were appar- 
ently elevated several miles in the air. The Indian 
guides declared that this river was a mile and a half 
broad. The party for three days went along the 
banks seeking a way by which to descend to the 
stream. The captain with tliree men attempted the 



52 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

descent in one place, but could accomplish oidy one- 
third the distance. The walls of this river have a 
height of from 3000 to 6000 feet for a distance of 
three hundred miles. The river bed is from 1000 
to 1200 feet above the sea, and its cliffs rise a mile 
above the stream. 

The honor of the discovery of the Colorado 
belonsfs first to Fernando Alarcon, who commanded 
the two ships of Coronado's Expedition that set sail 
from Natividad. Unable to communicate in any 
way with the army he sailed to the extremity of the 
Gulf of California, proving that the land on the 
west was a peninsula, and by shallops he entered the 
great river and explored it for two hundred and fifty 
miles. Leaving letters fifty miles from the mouth 
of the river, which were afterward found by another 
expedition under Melchior Diaz, sent out to the coast 
to search for the ships while the army was in 
Sonora, Alarcon returned to report to the Viceroy 
the arrival of Coronado at Cibola, of which he had 
heard throuo;h the Indians of Sonora. 

While these expeditions to the west were being 
made, and even before the arrival of the army at 
Cibola, the presence of the Spaniards had been made 
known far to the east, and there came to Cibola 
people from the province of Cicuye (or Cicuie), 
about one hundred and eighty-five miles distant. 
They brought gifts of tanned skins, shields and 
hemlets and hides of buffaloes. With them was a 
cacique, a young man, who received the name of 
"Bigotes" from the soldiers, on account of wearing 
a moustache. They described their country as 



COBON ADO'S CONQUESTS. 63 

abounding in buffalo. When they were about to 
return, Coronado ordered Captain Fernando d'Alva- 
rado to take with him twenty men, to return with 
them to their home and report within eighty days. 

From this party we have the first description of 
the cliff dwellings so numerous among the ruins of 
New Mexico. In five days they reached Acuco, the 
modern Acoma. It was situated so high upon a 
rock that it could not be reached by an arquebus 
shot, and its approach on all sides was very precip- 
itous. A single path led to the top, entered by a 
stairway cut into the rock. It was of moderate 
width for two hundred steps, then became very nar-- 
row for a hundred steps more; and the last ascent 
was made for a considerable distance by placing the 
toes into holes in the side of the rock, and clinging 
to the cliff with the hands at imminent danger of 
falling. At the top was a quantity of stones to be 
rolled down on any one venturing to assail this posi- 
tion with hostile intent. Below was a space for the 
cultivation of corn and arrangements for its storage. 
There were also natural reservoirs for holding water 
from rains and melted snows on the cliff'. This vil- 
lage contained two hundred warriors, who could 
attack and rob their neighbors with impunity. 

Alvarado sought a conference with the inhabi- 
tants, but they drew lines upon the ground, beyond 
which the Spaniards approaching the town were for- 
bidden to pass. The soldiers were angry at their 
insolence and demanded permission to attack the 
town. When they were seen to be preparing for 
the assault, the people were alarmed at their bold- 



54 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

ness, and sued for peace, bringing offerings of bread, 
deer skins, penon nuts, seeds, flour and corn. 

A march of three days farther to the East brought 
the party to the province of Tiguex, where the pres- 
ence of Bigotes, the Cicuye chief, secured the kind 
reception of the people. This province consisted of 
twelve villages and was situated on a great river, 
the Rio Grande. It was the modern Bernalillo, 
and the abundance of food, the comfortable build- 
ings and mild climate, made it so desirable for win- 
ter quarters, that Alvarado in his report, urged its 
choice for that purpose on Coronado. Alvarado 
now pushed forward five days longer to Cicuye. 
Here in a fine country, in the midst of mountains, 
and beside a small stream filled with trout, he found 
a strongly-fortified town, with houses four stories 
high and well supplied with food. The identity of 
this place with the ancient Pecos, after the careful 
researches and personal exploration of Prof. A. de 
F. Bandelier, though so long disputed, cannot longer 
be questioned. The inhabitants gave the Spaniards 
a cordial welcome, saluting them with drums and 
flutes and other marks of respect, and presenting 
them with cotton cloths, turquoises, food and other 
gifts. Pecos is now in ruins, having been deserted 
by its inhabitants, reduced by wars and sickness to a 
handful of people, who moved to the pueblo of 
Jemez. It was the most populous of all the pueblos 
visited by Coronado's men. The Montezuma myth 
was located here, a product, however, of the nine- 
teenth century. 

While encamped at Cicuye for several days, a new 



CORONADCrS CONQUESTS. 57 

and exciting chapter uf romance was rehearsed to 
the Spaniards from the lips of a mendacious Indian, 
who became the evil genius of Coronado, but whose 
words revived the gilded visions that had cheered 
the wanderings of the Spaniards till they vanished 
under the skies of Cibola, and beneath the walls of 
its narrow streets. 

It does not exaggerate the intelligence or shrewd- 
ness of the primitive inhabitants of New Mexico to 
attribute to them the scheme of alluring the Span- 
iards by a false guide to distant regions, where they 
would be lost or slain, and the country rid of their 
dangerous presence. This Indian, called "the Turk," 
had wandered far from his own house. He was a 
native of Florida, which had recently been explored 
by De Soto, but the name of Florida covered the 
whole region from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. 
He had been a slave in the country of Quivera, 
whence he had fled, to become a prisoner here. The 
Indian was apt in arousing the curiosity of the 
Spaniards, whose hopes he stimulated anew. He 
gave the appearance of veracity to his statements, 
by describing the vast herds of buffalo roaming on 
the plains between Cicuye and his country. Alva- 
rado proceeded to the borders of the plains where 
the bison could be seen, and then quickly returned 
with the Turk to carry the news to Coronado. 

Having approved of the recommendation of Ti- 
guex for winter quarters, Coronado had already sent 
forward Cardenas to prepare them. Unacquainted 
with the people who had been so hospitable to his 
comrades^ this captain arrogantly demanded their 



58 COEONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

houses, and would permit them to take nothmg but 
their clothing away from their homes. Incensed 
at such treatment, they became exiles to another 
pueblo. Coronado, with a guard of thirty men, had 
left Cibola, where the main army had meanwhile 
arrived, and leaving orders for them to follow in 
twenty days, he reached Tiguex by way of a prov- 
ince of eight towns, probably of the Piros on the 
Rio Grande, where the people w^ere friendly. Alva- 
rado awaited the arrival of his General at Tiguex. 

The Turk was presented to Coronado, who, shar- 
ing the credulity of his captain, became a willing 
listener to his romantic tales. The imaiJ-ination of 
the Spaniard gave shape to what the Turk told ^vith 
difficulty through interpreters, or in a foreign lan- 
guage with the aid of signs. In Qui vera was a 
river six miles wide, in which fish as large as horses 
could be found. Their canoes, with twenty oars on 
each side, were used by the chiefs, who also pro- 
pelled them by sails and sat in their sterns under a 
protecting dais. The sovereign chief reposed for 
his afternoon nap under a huge tree, while above 
him golden bells were hung in the branches, which 
tinkled as they waved in the summer breeze. The 
commonest vessels in this land were made of sculp- 
tured silver. The bowls, plates and dishes were of 
gold. The Turk pretended that golden bracelets 
had been taken from him at Cicuye. Alvarado was 
sent back to recover them. The inhabitants indig- 
nantly declared that they liad never taken them 
from the Indian, who was a great liar and deceiving 
them by his stories. Alvarado enticed the chief 



CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 59 

Besfotes into his tent, and ordered liim to be chained. 
His people now turned upon the Spaniard with 
reproaches for such faithless and perfidious acts 
after the pledges of friendship he had made, and 
hurled at him a shower of arrows. But the chief 
was taken to Tiguex and detained by Coronado for 
six months. 

The Spaniards ^vere now acting the part of hostile 
invaders, kidnapping,* imprisoning and robbing the 
natives, and serious troubles began to arise. Coro- 
nado' s troops were in need of clothing. His demand 
from the people of Tiguex brought a supply of three 
hundred pieces of cotton. The art of weaving was 
evidently widely diffused in New Mexico. But the 
people determined to resist further oppression. They 
barricaded their houses and acted on the defen- 
sive. Coronado lay seige to one of their towns. 
After brave resistance the defenders surrendered, as 
prisoners of war, and then were ordered to be 
burned to death. A hundred were massacred in 
attempting to escape this cruel fate. Through all 
the country it was known that the Spaniards were 
faithless to their oaths. The rest of the army 
arrived from Cibola, and Coronado proclaimed to all 
the villages peace, but the i^eople replied that their 
massacred countrymen and imprisoned chief were 
proofs of Spanish perfidy. To intimidate other 
towns Coronado beseiged Tiguex for fifty days. 
The Indians lost more than two hundred warriors in 
gallant resistance to the various attacks of the Span- 
iards. Tiieir supply of water failed, and sending 
away their women and children during a truce, they 



60 CORONADO'H CONQUESTS. 

attempted to abandon the town at night. They 
were discovered, attacked and defeated, while those 
who reached the river were drowned, or overcome 
by cold, were captured. The town of Tiguex was 
occupied by the Spaniards and its inhabitants fled 
to the mountains. To regain the confidence of 
the inhabitants of Cicuye Coronado })romised to 
restore their chief, and thus prepared the way for 
his expedition to Quivera. In* May, 1541, the Rio 
Grande was suthciently clear of ice, and the deluded 
General began again the search for gold and silver 
in distant lands, while these metals were everywhere 
about them in the mountains and plains that would 
yield them to the patient toil of the miner. He 
had in great measure quieted the hostility of the 
tribes that were upon the route between the present 
Benalillo and Pecos. The powerful nation of the 
Tanos with ten villages lay somewhat to the north 
of the trail over which the people of the Pecos and 
lower Rio Grande had their friendlj' communication. 
They held the mountain regions from the Sandia 
to the Santa Fe ranges, and were unfriendly to 
the Pecos tribes. They were, however, generally 
reduced to submission before the expedition to Qui- 
vera was beg-un.* Coronado was at Benalillo, mas- 
ter of a depopulated province, his army encamped 
among the ruins of three villages, none of which 
were at peace. The conduct of the Spaniards at 
Tiguex was an unjustifiable crime. So the govern- 
ment later on punished Garcia Lopes de Cardenas, 
but retribution began for Coronado even during the 

* A. de r. Bandelier. History of Colonization of New Mexico Mss. 



COROKADO' S COliQ VESTS. 61 

unjust war cagainst the Tiguas. Bad news reached 
him from Sonora. Melchior Diaz was dead. Alca- 
rez, his successor at Suya, had just departed with 
his command, which had risen against him. Coro- 
nado sent Don Pedro de Tobar to San Hieronimo 
to repress tlie insurrection. Meanwhile, he himself, 
blinded by the tales of the Turk, prepared his unfor- 
tunate expedition in search of Quivera. 

Taking the route to Pecos, Coronado restored 
Bigotes, then chief to this people, who provided food 
for the whole army and gave to Coronado a young 
native of Quivera, named Xabe, for a guide. His 
story of Quivera confirmed that of the Turk, except 
that the gold and silver were not so common nor 
abundant as represented. The Turk, however, reaf- 
firmed his statements, and the Spaniards crossed the 
plains in full belief of the existence of the golden 
city. It is said by one of their chroniclers that " the 
Spaniards were so avaricious of gold that they would 
go into the infernal regions to obtain it." 

Leaving Pecos (or Cicuye), the army crossed the 
Pecos, farther on the Mora river, then entered and 
passed through the southern spurs of the Raton 
mountains, and a four days' march brought them 
ao"ain to the Cauadien river, swollen at this season 
by melting snows, over which they built a bridge. 
Thence they came to habitations of Indians called 
Querechos, and the wandering tribes of Indians 
whom they met, and who belonged to the Apache 
nation, in collusion with the Turk, confirmed his 
account of Quivera. The direction of their march 
was north-east. The great plains which stretched 



62 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

between the Rocky mountains and the Missouri, 
opened before them. These were covered with tall 
grass, in which roamed immense herds of bnft'oloes 
that were hunted with enthusiasm by the Spaniards. 
But the stories of the Turk were now greatly ques- 
tioned. Coronado was in great perplexity amid 
conflicting rumors. He dispatched Captain Maldo- 
nado in the direction of Quivera with his company, 
who came upon a village of Indians who had seen 
Cabera de Vaca. The country was populous, the 
people dwelt in huts and cultivated the ground. 
They informed the Spaniards, however, that Quivera 
w^as still toward the north. 

The army had now marched thirty-six days and 
850 miles from Benalillo, when their provisions 
failed. Coronado determined to continue the searcli 
for Quivera with thirty picked men, and Diego 
Lopez, second in command. Notwithstanding tlie 
remonstrances of the army, he ordered it to return. 
But taking the Teyans as guides and the Turk loaded 
with chains and the other Indian gidde in his com- 
pany, the General set out in another direction f(jr 
Quivera. In forty-eight days, in latitude forty 
degrees, he reached this province, after crossing a 
great river. It consisted of a series of towns an'- 
villages, extending for many miles on small streams 
running into this great river. The people were less 
civilized and their houses less imposing than the 
inhabitants of Cibola. Instead of having stores of 
silver and gold, they knew not what they were. 
Their cacique greatly prized even a copper plate 
which he wore on his breast. Their comforts of 



C otto N ADO'S CONQUESTS. 65 

living were few. The country was beautiful and 
watered with streams of water. Prunes, grapes and 
flax grew wild in the valleys, but the people lived in 
houses of straw of circular shape, with thatched 
roofs. 

Coronado in his bitter disappointment questioned 
the Turk as to his motives for deceiving him. He 
confessed his lies about the vast riches of Quivera, 
and that the people of Cicuye had induced him to 
lure the Spaniards far out upon the plains, where 
their horses would perish and they would become an 
easy prey to the Indians, or returning exhausted, 
would be destroyed by the injured people of New 
Mexico. The enraged soldiers strangled the Turk 
at Quivera as a reward of his treachery, and Sopete, 
the other Indian guide, whose more truthful state- 
ments the Turk had denied, took great satisfaction 
in his death. 

Coronado had been led into the CaKons of the 
Canadien, where he had left his army. In forty- 
eight days he passed through the Indian Territory 
and Kansas, and on the tenth of June, 1541, 
found " Quivera, mouth of the Arkansas river, in the 
North-eastern part of the State of Kansas, of the 
American Union."* 

The Spanish General had but entered the borders 
of that vast country of the East, which stretched 
from the Missouri to the Atlantic and which was to 
constitute the magnificent domain of the Republic of 
the United States. "God reserved its discovery to 
others. He only permitted us," says Casteneda, "to 

* Bandelier. 



\ 



66 COROKADO'S CONQUESTS. 

boast of being the first who had any knowledge of 
it. May the Lord's will be done." Three-quarters 
of a century afterward the colonists of Virginia 
landed at Jamestown, and the Pilgrims first trod the 
shores of Plymouth. 

While Coronado was thus indefatigably searching 
for Quivera, the army under command of Arellano, 
after fifteen days' recruiting in their camp on the 
plains of the Indian Territory, began their return 
march. They took a more southerly direction over 
a perfectly level country, passed lakes of fresh and 
salt water, and several tribes of Querechos and 
Teyan Indians. Arriving at the Pecos river, nearly 
ninety miles below the point of their first crossing, 
they followed it up to Cicuye. Its inhabitants 
refused to entertain the Spaniards or supply them 
with provisions, and they pushed on to Tiguex, 
where they arrived about the middle of July, 1541, 
after a march of twenty-five days. 

Coronado having received the submission of the 
inhabitants of Quivera to the emperor Charles V. 
as their rightful master, directed a great cross to be 
erected at the farthest point of his exploration of 
the town. It bore the inscription, '' Francesco Vas- 
quez de Coronado, commander of an expedition, 
arrived at this place." The populous provinces said 
to exist beyond Quivera were left unexplored. In a 
few days he returned Avitli his escort by a more 
direct and easier route, through the South-western 
part of Kansas to Cicuye, which he reached in forty 
days and continued his march to Tiguex before the 
month of November. 



CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 67 

Who were the Quiverans? The disputes as to the 
locality of Quivera have not sufficiently taken into 
consideration the habits of this jDeople. "They were 
not," says Bandelier, " a nation of fixed habitation, 
for 'they changed their country with the buffaloes.' 
Quivera was then the name of a wandering tribe. 
It is natural that it changed jolace with this tribe. 
So we have found it in eastern Kansas in 1541; it 
reappears in the east of New Mexico in 1583; in 
the north and north-east in 1599. Finally, in 1630, 
the Quiveras are spoken of as being on the eastern 
boundary of New Mexico in the thirty-fourth degree 
of latitude. The name, as a name of a tribe, disap- 
peared after the end of the seventeenth century." 

"What became of this tribe? The word Quivera 
tells us nothing as to that. But in 1626 we find a 
synonym of Quivera. This synonym is Tindaw. It 
is, moreover, well ascertained that, at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century, the Quiveras were neigh- 
bors and enemies of the 'Escansaques.' Now the 
Escansaques are the Kansas, and in 1719, one of 
their principal villages was that of Quirireches. 
The Tinthow, or Tindaw (described by 
Father Hennepen in 1683 as a tribe of the prairies 
living far to the south a part of the year) are the 
Sioux Tetons, a branch of the powerful, wandering 
tribe which became the terror of the plains in the 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It . is then 
probable that the Quiveras belonged to the Dacota. 
Following here and there the buffalo, they touched 
at several points the borders of New Mexico, and 
disappeared as the country became the possession of 



68 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

the Spaniards, either returning to the north, or join- 
ing themselves to the tribes which bore another 
name." 

While preparations for wintering were made at 
Tiguex by Arellano, and several settlements visited 
and pacified along the upper and lower valley of 
the Rio Grande, Alvarado went with forty men 
to Cicuye in search of Coronado. There he was 
attacked for four days and the people of this town 
were severely punished by the Spaniards, who killed 
two of their chiefs. Alvarado awaited the return of 
Coronado at Pecos, hearing of his approach. 

Coronado's report of Quivera brought terrible dis- 
appointment to his soldiers. He, however, revived 
their hopes by plans of a great expedition into the 
same country the next spring, and busied himself 
in reconcilinui: the inhabitants of the surrounding; 
country to the presence of the Spaniards. He 
endeared himself to his soldiers, by providing new 
clothing and other comforts for them out of the 
supplies gathered from the Indians, and in reorgan- 
izing the army for the spring campaign. Coro- 
nado believed that Quivera was only the frontier 
of a superior and populous country toward the east. 
In his report to his majesty, Charles Y., he thus 
describes it: 

"The province of Quivera is 3230 miles from 
Mexico. The place I have reached is forty degrees of 
latitude. The earth is the best possible for all kinds 
of productions of Spain, for while it is very strong 
and black, it is very well watered by brooks, springs 
and rivers. I found prunes like those of Spain, also 



CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 69 

some excellent grapes and mulberries." Jaramillo, 
who accompanied Coronado to Quivera, says of it: 
"This region has a superb appearance and such that 
I have not seen better in all Spain, neither in Italy, 
nor France, nor in any other country where -I have 
been in the service of 3'our majest}'. It satisfied me 
completely. I presume that it is very fertile and 
favorable to the cultivation of all kinds of fruits."* 

The soldiers, cheered by such representations, 
shared in the adventurous spirit of their General and 
welcomed the orders given to his army to prepare 
for their march to Quivera, still hoping for the good 
fortune which the earlier Spanish expeditions had 
experienced in Mexico. They were destined again 
to disappointment. But it was to come now through 
the superstition or failing courage of Coronado, their 
generous and faithful leader. A serious accident 
disabled him for several weeks. In the celebration 
of one of their festivals, he was indulging in a feat 
of horsemanship with one of his officers, Don Pedro 
Mandelado, with whom he was running at a ring. 
Mounted on an excellent horse, but with a weak 
saddle girth, which had been substituted for the 
usual one that needed repair, the girth broke in 
midcourse, unhorsing the rider. He fell near Don 
Pedro, whose horse sprung over his prostrate body 
and kicked him in the head. Coronado narrowly 
escaped death. 

While confined by his injuries, a fresh arrival of 
troops from San Hieronimo undei' Don Pedro de 
Tobar, bad added to the discontent of the soldiers. 

* Davis' Conquest of New Mexico, 



70 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

"They came with their noses in the air, hoping to 
find the General already in the rich country of which 
the Turk had spoken, and were not pleased to meet 
Coronado in Tiguex." Letters from home brought 
by Tobar, turned the thoughts of the troops to their 
families. Cardenas, one of Coronado's bravest cap- 
tains, obtained leave of absence, to take possession 
of an inheritance which had fallen to him in Spain, 
and returned with others who wearied of their hard- 
ships, and desired to establish themselves in Mexico. 
The sympathy of the army was, however, mostly with 
Coronado, and their cordial feelings were aroused at 
his misfortune. 

But a superstitious dread of death took possession 
of the General in his sickness, and reminded of a 
prophecy of a certain mathematician of Salamanca, 
that while he should be the lord of a certain coun- 
try, he should have a fall that would cause his 
death. He wished to be near his lovely wife and 
children, and his mind, freed from the constant 
demands of an active campaign, yielded to the 
depressions caused by his disappointments. To 
divert the minds of the soldiers from the new cam- 
paign, he feigned himself to be seriously ill. Then 
he declared his loss of confidence in the richness of 
the country, and its small value for distribution to 
the soldiers for settlement. They began to desire 
some better reward. A council of officers approved 
of issuing orders immediately to prepare for the 
march homeward. But after more deliberation, 
officers and men, petitioned that sixty soldiers 
might be left to hold the country till reinforce- 



CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 71 

ments should arrive, and that he should appoint 
a new commander, to prosecute further conquests. 
This petition was refused, and in the beginning 
of April, 1542, the army set out to return to 
Mexico. 

Two missionaries, full of zeal for the conversion 
of this great country to the Christian faith, wished 
to remain. Fray Juan de Padilla, with a Portu- 
gese, a negro, and some Mexican Indians proceeded 
to Quivera, where the friar was killed, and the Por- 
tugese was imprisoned for ten months, but after- 
ward escaped to Mexico. Fray Juan de la Cruz 
also remained at Bernalillo. 

Luis, a lay brother of devoted life, remained at 
Cicuye. A few Mexicans also stayed at Cibola. 
The rest of the army crossed the desert, and safely 
arrived at Chichilticale, where reinforcements were 
received. The Indians were hostile between Chi- 
chilticale and Culiacan, and harassed their march. 
But in his own province Coronado lost control of the 
army. With such as he could collect, he continued 
the march to Compestella, and on account of fre- 
quent desertions, he arrived in Mexico with not 
more than a hundred men of the splendidly equipped 
expedition with which he had undertaken the Con- 
quest of the Seven Cities of Gold. 

Coronado was coldly received by the Viceroy, who 
had ordered him not only to explore but to remain 
in the country, and was displeased at the results and 
conduct of the expedition. An investigation was 
demanded of his course, and withdrawing from Mex- 
ico, he returned to Culiacan. From the government 



72 CORONADO'S CONQUESTS. 

of this province he was soon deposed, in 1548, and 
he died in obscurity. 

Coronado had one of the grandest opportunities 
ever offered to an explorer of new hinds. 

He might have carried the banner of Spain 
beyond the Mississippi to the Alleghanys, and estab- 
lished the undisputed claim of his Emperor to the 
most magnificent country in the world. 

" Of thine own untried sword afraid, 
Not daring to be wholly great, 
Thou offer' st for thine idle blade 
The coward's facile plea of Fate ! " 



CHAPTER V. 



CONQUEROKS BY THE CROSS. 



POR nearly forty years the 
A land of the Seven Cities 
was left undisturbed by the 
martial tramp of Spanish in- 
vaders, and unsought by the 
adventurous spirits of this 
remarkable people, who were 
bringing back rich rewards of 
their enterprize in penetrating 
the new lands of Central and 
South America. There were 
not yet any settlements of 
European Colonies on the At- 
lantic coast; neither had the 
civilization of northern Europe 
begun its slow march through 
the interior, westward to the 
Mississippi valley. 
Four friars had joined their fortunes with Coro- 
nado's expedition. Fray Marcos had exposed his life 
for it, and been obliged to return to Mexico, under 

73 




74 CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 

the ill favor and indignation of the army. The 
incessant movements of the army had left no repose 
for religious work, and the hostile and cruel conduct 
of the soldiers toward the inhabitants had prejudiced 
their minds against the religion of such invaders. 
Nevertheless, when disappointed in the secular prof- 
its and material gain of the expedition, its com- 
mander had turned his face homeward, the pious 
men saw their opportunity to win the souls of the 
heathen to salvation. The last words of the Fran- 
ciscan brother Luis to the soldiers at Cicuye were 
that he believed the old men of the tribe would soon 
put him to death, though he was treated kindly by 
the others. 

The spirit of Luis w^as in the other Franciscan 
brethren. Fray Juan de la Cruz stayed at Tiguex. 
He had won the respect of the whole army by his 
modest and irreproachable conduct, so that Coro- 
nado ordered them always to uncover their heads 
when his name was mentioned. The difficulties of 
his position and relations to the natives at Tiguex, 
were too manifest to make his decision to remain 
with them other than heroic. They could not 
understand his language, nor could he speak to them 
in their own, yet he was left by those who had been 
aggi'essors, for whose conduct he was made respon- 
sible, to teach them a religion whose rites seemed 
only to be magic. The good effects of magic to the 
Indian were accepted with natural distrust, the evil 
effects were to be overcome only by death of the 
actor. ''He could hope for no other result than 
martyrdom. 'It is believed that he died, shot by an 




A SPANISH FKIAli 



CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 11 

arrow,' says an author of the seventeenth century, 
indicating the probable end of his career. He dis- 
appeared at Tiguex, and liis name has left not even 
a trace." 

It is certain, also, that Fray Juan de Padilla died 
a violent death at the hands of the people of Qui- 
vera. by whom at first he was kindly received with 
his companions, "a martyr to his religious zeal, and 
a victim of his lack of knowledge of Indian charac- 
ter, in the north-west part of the state of Kansas in 
our day, and probably in the course of the year 
1582.* They are no more heard of." Such is the 
funeral oration, simple but pathetic even in its sim- 
plicity, of those two old monks. Fray Juan de la 
Cruz and Fray Luis remaining alone in the new 
country, content with finishing their days here, it 
matters not how, be it only in the service of their 
master, and for the honor and glory of his name. 

Coronado's expedition was well nigh forgotten 
among the people of Mexico, but the reports of the 
country and inhabitants of New Mexico, which were 
gathered by Spanish miners in Santa Barbara, in 
Chihuahua, aroused the enthusiasm of Fray Augus- 
tine Rodrigues, or Ruis, a missionary of the Francis- 
can order. Moved with a zeal of charity and a 
desire to save souls, he enlisted two other brethren 
of the order. Fray Francisco Lopez and Juan de 
Santa Maria in a mission to these distant peoples. 
Obtaining the consent of the Superior of the order, 
and the authority of the Viceroy, Don Lorenzo Sua- 
rez de Mendoza, with an oi'der for a military escort 

* Bandelier. History of Colonization of New Mexico Mss, 



78 CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 

of twenty men, in the Spring of the year 1581, 
they undertook the perilous journey to New Mexico. 
They had as companions, eight Spanish soldiers, 
each with an Indian servant, six Indians and a 
Mexican, making twenty-three persons in all. The 
Spaniards were armed from head to foot in coats of 
mail, and their horses also. The commander of the 
troops was Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado. They 
set out from the valley of San Bartolonia in South- 
ern Chihuahua, the sixth of June, 1581. The sol- 
diers were mounted and the priests on foot. It was 
the season of great heat and also of rain. The jour- 
ney was very arduous for these soldiers in their 
heavy armor, and the priests dragging themselves 
along in the hot sands. They descended the Con- 
chos river to its junction with the Rio Grande de 
Norte, and ascending that river, their route of six 
hundred miles is easily traced. They travelled for 
thirty-one days among the Conchos, tribes of the 
naked Chicemecks, who had only roots and tunas 
(cactus fruit) for their food. Then ascending the 
Rio Grande to witliin the present borders of New 
Mexico they found an agricultural people, living in 
a village with forty-five houses two and three stories 
high, and having an abundance of corn and other 
vegetables. They were also clothed in cotton gar- 
ments. There were several similar villages on both 
sides of the river. This province-, which the Span- 
iards called San Felipe, marked the lowest point of 
habitation of the pueblo or sedentary peoples of New. 
Mexico. This people were in fact the Piros, and 
their villages were near San Marcial. The mission- 



COKQUMRORS BY THE CROSS. 79 

aries still ascended the river, following its many 
turns for about one hundred and fifty miles. They 
entered the country of the Tiguas, passed Isletta, 
and found themselves among the Queres peoples, in 
a town of four or five hundred houses two and three 
stories in height, where they heard also of other 
populous places. This was clearly San Domingo. 
From this point they went still farther to a vil- 
lage near the Cieneguilla, called Ta-tze, afterwards 
known as San Marcos. This belonged to the numer- 
ous and fierce nation of the Tanos, whose violence 
they could not prudently meet with their small mili- 
tary escort, and they determined to retrace their 
steps and sojourn at the village of Pruara. This 
was opposite Bernalillo and contained eight or nine 
hundred souls.* Its ruins are still visible, in the 
neighborhood of several other extinct villages, where 
these missionaries began their heroic work in the 
midst of this strange people of the Tiguas. Forty 
years before them, the troops of Cardenas had wan- 
tonly attacked and outraged this people. Here also, 
Fray Juan de la Cruz had sacrificed his life in try- 
ing to save their souls. But like children, these 
Indians had forgotten Coronado. They were dis- 
posed to try these new-comers, and quickly to free 
themselves from their presence if they did not suit 
them. 

But the courage of the soldiers now failed them. 
The inhabitants surrounded them in such numbers 
that should they become hostile, resistance would be 
vain. These troops determined at once to return 

A. de F. Bandelier. History of Colonization of New Mexico Mss. 



80 CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 

to the mines, from which they had departed with 
the missionaries. Three Indian boys and a Mexi- 
can were faithful to the priests, who cheerfully 
remained to instruct these tribes in the Christian 
religion. Wishing to see more of the country before 
his return, Chamuscado, who was both prudent and 
courageous in his conduct of the missionaries, went 
as far west as the Zuili villages, and also received 
information there of the Moqui towns. Even at Ci- 
bola he makes no mention of souvenirs of Coronado. 
He also explored the villages beyond the Sandias 
near the salt lakes, which are now the Chilili sub- 
urbs of Bernalillo, and departed from Pruara shortly 
after or during January, 1582. Chamuscado never 
reached the Santa Barbara mines. He died on the 
journey ninety miles north, near the present railway 
station, Concho. 

In the month of July, 1582, not six months after 
the departure of the soldiers from Pruara, ten 
Indian servants who had remained in the country 
suddenly appeared at Santa Barbara and reported 
that the three missionaries had been slain by the 
Indians one after the other, and then three Indian 
servants had met the same fate. 

Filled with a zeal for their work which was fatal 
to its continuance, the three friars had separated 
after the departure of the soldiers, and sought each 
a field of labor among different nations. 

"Fray Augustine was an old man, the other two 
younger and full of life. Fray Juan de Santa 
Maria desired to convert tlie powerful tribe of the 
Tanos, who held the province near the buffalo coun- 



CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 83 

try and containing the turquoise veins, which made 
them of great commercial importance to the other 
tribes. They were unfriendly to the Tiguas. Their 
country embraced the numerous Santa Fe and Gal- 
lesteo villages, and the Cerrillos mountains." 

Maria was convinced that the field was too diffi- 
cult for him alone, and he determined to return to 
Chihuahua to obtain aid. He marked out a route by 
the stars, claiming to have such a knowledge as 
would surely direct him by a shorter route than the 
Rio Grande. He took some Tanos Indians for guides 
by the way of San Pedro, on the mountains border- 
ing the country of the Tiguas. This imprudence cost 
him his life. As he slept at the foot of a tree, 
these Indians crushed his head with a great stone. 

Rodrigues and Lopez remained at Pruara. The 
medicine men of the tribe became jealous of the 
friars, whose zeal conflicted with their own influence. 
The priests were not understood in their teachings, 
and their rites were a cause of fear, rather than rev- 
erence. The Indians shot Lopez with arrows one 
afternoon while on his knees at prayer, and buried 
his body. Rodrigues was afterwards led to the 
spot, and gave the remains a Christian burial in the 
pueblo. 

He sadly mourned his companion, and left alone, 
could only await with patient heroism his own fate. 
The war captain of the Tiguas was friendly to the 
old priestj and sent him five miles up the Rio Grande 
to another pueblo, but the waters of the river soon 
received his body from the hands of his murderers. 

The zeal of the three friars was accepted of God, 



U CONQUERORS BY THE CROSS. 

and their blood was not shed in vain. In forty-eight 
years their brother friars of the Franciscan order, 
had baptized 34,650 Indians and erected in New 
Mexico forty-three churches. 

In fear for these brethren, the Franciscans in 
Mexico called for an expedition to rescue them, and 
Antonio Espejo offered his life and fortune to the 
cause. 

This territory has received three names : from its 
first discoverer Ni^a, the kingdom of San Francisco; 
from its first conqueror Coronado, the kingdom of 
Granado; from these three martyrs, the new king- 
dom of Mexico. And for three hundred years it has 
borne the name with which they baptized it in their 
own life blood. 



CHAPTER VI. 



EXPLORERS ESPEJO, CASTANO. 




HE hidalgo Don Anto- 
nio cle Espejo was 
a gentleman engaged 
in working the mines 
at Santa Barbara, in 
Chihuahua, though he 
was a native of Cor- 
doba, in Spain, and 
had resided in Mexico 
since 1559, possess- 
ing a considerable for- 
tune, in tile niuuGii ui .uarch, 1582, he had obtained 
a commission to make a tour of exploration and 
commerce in New Mexico. The reports of the 
tragic end of the frairs hastened his preparations, 
and he set out from Santa Barbara, Nov. 10, 1582, 
with fourteen Spanish soldiers, a number of Indians, 
and one hundred and fifteen horses loaded with pro- 
visions, weapons of war, and articles for trade. His 
route was nearly the same as that of the missiona- 
ries, following the Rio Grande, and the journey to the 



86 EXPLORERS— ESPEJO, CASTAKO. 

first pueblo, or sedentary people of the Rio Grande, 
occupied sixty-four days. On the 13th of January, 
1583, he reached the same villages of the Piros near 
San Marcial which Chamuscado had found, and after 
ascending the river four days, he came to Tiguex. 
The Piros occupied ten villages, and the Tiguas 
eight. Puara was one of the villages of the latter 
province occupied by Coronado, of whom the inhab- 
itants told Espejo, from memory or tradition, say- 
ing that white men had visited them, and made war 
upon them for the loss of forty horses killed by the 
Indians. At Puara, Espejo made an encampment. 
The people guilty of the death of the missionaries 
did not dare long to remain near him, and fled with 
their families to the mountains, from which they 
could not be persuaded to return. An abundance of 
food and fowl was found in this and the neighboring 
towns. 

Among the Piros in the south there was a dispo- 
sition to barter with the Spaniards. They brought 
them curious things made of feathers of divers 
colors, well tanned deer-skins, with which they 
were clothed, and many mantles of cotton, streaked 
with blue and white, like those brought from China. 
They wore boots and shoes with soles of neat leather. 
The women were carefully attired and their hair 
well combed. Their weapons were bows and arrows 
headed with flints, targets of hides, and clubs half a 
yard long, very thick at the end. They were gov- 
erned by caciques, whose orders were proclaimed 
by subordinates and carefully obeyed. They had 
prayer-places in every house for the worship of idolSj 



EXPLORERS— ESPEJO, CASTANO. 87 

and chapels for the worship of the devil, where he 
was said to rest and refresh himself. 

Espejo heard of rich and populous towns to the 
east and north, and having ascertained the sad fate 
of the missionaries, he began the explorations which 
had been his first object in planning the expedition. 
He was a fearless but prudent man, of much tact in 
dealing with the Indian character, and avoiding acts 
of violence towards himself or the peoples among 
whom he made his explorations. His first adven- 
ture was toward the east, among the "Maguas," a 
people of the Tanos nation, occupying the arid basin 
of the Gallisteo. He discovered three sources of 
water south of this basin, which were once fre- 
quented by buffaloes, but there was a general lack 
of provisions in these valleys and he returned to 
Puara. Thence he went north on the Rio Grande 
to the first pueblo of the Queres, now obliterated. 
It was near San Felipe on the left bank of the river. 
The Queres had five towns. Three had disappeared 
since Coronado's time. The five that now remain 
are San Domingo, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana 
and Cia. The Queres were kind and friendly 
to Espejo, as they had been to Coronado. They 
directed him to five villages two- days' journey to 
the west, of which the principal one was Cia. Its 
houses were plastered and painted with many colors. 
Thence he went to Jemez, where there were six vil- 
lages, and turned south to Acoma. The country 
here was inhabited by wandering Indians, and the 
important pueblo of Laguna did not exist at that 
date of the sixteenth century. The people of Acoma, 



88 EXPLORERS— ESPEJO, CASTANO. 

as also the Piros had done, received Espejo with the 
honor of dances and festivals, but he happened to 
arrive at Acoma in the season of the great Snake 
Dance, now preserved only by the Moqiiis in their 
customary feasts. Espejo was deeply interested in 
the solemnities of the Snake Dance, which is the 
worship of the spirits of their ancestors. The " Que- 
erchos or Apaches in this region were much disposed 
to barter with the Spaniards. They were the Nava- 
joes who are lirst mentioned by the Europeans at 
this time, though they were and are still the most 
powerful tribe of the Apache nation," and occupied 
the mountains north of Acoma, the deep valleys 
around the Sierra de San Mateo, and in general, the 
north-west of New Mexico. They were as great 
a scourge to the pueblo peoples as subsequently to 
the Spanish colonists. 

Espejo pushed on seventy miles west from Acoma 
in a more venturesome trip to a province of six vil- 
lages, '• which province is called Zuni and by another 
name Cibola." ''He gave," says Bandelier, "to this 
group of pueblos also the names of 'Ami' and 
^Ame,' and to one of the villages 'Aguico.' We 
have here, then, not for the first time, the name of 
Zuni, but at the same time the first positive state- 
ment that Zuni was Cibola! " 'Ami' et ' Ame' recall 
the ' Came ' of Chamuscado, proving thus indirectly 
that the latter visited Zuiii, and Aquico it is easy to 
recognize in the 'Havico' of Fray Geronimo de 
Zarate Salmeron of 1626, . . . and the ruin of 
'Ha-vi-cu' of our day, situated near the hot springs 
of Zuni." In Zuni were still standing the crosses 




A NAVAJO BLANKET WEAVEK. 



EXPLORERS— ESPEJO, CASTANO. 91 

erected by Coronado, and three Christian Indians 
whom he had left here were still living. They had 
almost forgotten the Spanish tongue, but were fluent 
in the language of Zuili, and communicated much 
information concerning the country to Espejo. 

Fray Berardina Beltran, who had accompanied 
Espejo in the entire expedition, here fell out with 
his leader and insisted on a return, because they had 
as yet found neither enougli silver or gold. He 
refused to go farther west, and remained at Zuni, 
while Espejo with nine soldiers and one hundred 
and fifty Indians, entered upon another long journey 
of eighty miles to the Moqui towns. Receiving 
messengers from this province, whom he concili- 
ated with gifts, though he had been forbidden to 
approach, he went forward, and was welcomed three 
miles from their first town by two thousand of this 
people bearing quantities of provisions. The cacique 
with a multitude of his people came forth to greet 
him, scattering corn-meal on the ground under their 
horses' feet in token of their pleasure. Espejo, sur- 
rounded by multitudes of natives, distributed pres- 
ents of hats, beads and other articles very acceptable 
to them. Messages were sent out by the caciques 
to other towns, and from all parts of the province 
there came people loaded with presents for the Span- 
iards, and invited them to their own towns in the 
valley of Osay, which Chamuscado had also visited. 

Espejo still looked toward the west. A great 
river, a great lake, populous towns and rich mines, 
of which he constantly heard in that direction, still 
aroused his ambition. With five or six men to 



92 EXPLOREBS — ESPEJO, CASTANO. 

carr}' the baggage and onl}' four soldiers, he pene- 
trated for one hundred and thirty miles, the present 
country of Arizona. He did not reach the Rio Col- 
orado, but he found smaller' streams, groves of wal- 
nut trees, vineyards and much game, and ascended 
the mountain where were the mines, which showed 
a broad vein of ore exceedingly rich in silver. " He 
was in the region of Prescott."* Espejo and his 
little company returned safely to Zuhi, where his 
men had been treated with great hospitality by the 
Zunis. The}' promised to plant for them more corn 
if they would return to th^m. Espejo, with a part 
of his company, then departed toward the north- 
east, but the friar with six soldiers set forth toward 
New Biscay. Espejo crossed the Rio Grande uito a 
country of the Tubeans, or Hubates. Here were 
many mines, houses five and six stories high, and 
the people numerous in numbers, clothed in colored 
mantles and dressed skins. These were the people 
of San Marcos, Cienega, San Lasaro, Gallisteo and 
San Christobal. They were of the nation of the 
Tanos, and in the northern part of the provmce, 
which he had first visited on the southern borders. 
Without doubt he was there again in the midst 
of those whom he had called Maguas, in the first 
visit he had made. But while he then touched the 
valley of the Gallisteo on its Southern line, this time 
he had arrived from the East-north-east and entered 
then the northern boundary, leaving the village of 
Cua-Po-o-que, where is now the city of Santa Fe, 
more than thirty kilometres to the left. From 

♦History of Colonization of Xew Mexico Mss. 



EXPLOBERS—ESPEJO, CAST AND. 93 

San Christobal, the most eastern village of the 
Tanos, Espejo proceeded to the three pueblos of the 
Tamos, another people who must not be confounded 
with the Tan OS on account of the similarity of pro- 
nunciation. These were by a river which Espejo 
says was not the Rio Grande, and as it was in the 
country of the buffaloes, twelve days' march from 
the river Conchos, it could only be the Pecos, and 
the Tamos were, therefore, the Pecos people. Espejo 
says the villages were those which Coronado called 
Cicuique or Cicuye. Fifteen years after Juan de 
Oilate called Pecos the '■•Pueblo," which Espejo had 
called the province of the "Tamos."* 

The Pecos were hostile, and not being permitted 
to come near their villages, Espejo turned south, 
following along the river Pecos for six da3's to the 
location of Fort Sumner. There immense herds of 
buffalo covered the plains, through which they trav- 
eled for three hundred and fifty miles. Near the 
mouth of the Pecos river in Texas, they were guided 
across the country b}* three Jumanes Indians to the 
Conchos, whence they arrived at Santa Barbara 
September 20th, 1583. The expedition had occu- 
pied witli its wanderings in the north, ten months 
and two days, and had been accomplished without 
any conflict with the people, or the loss of a single 
man, greatly to the credit of the skill and humanity 
of Espejo and the Spanish soldiers who had accom- 
panied him. Espejo gathered much valuable infor- 
mation, confirming by his observations the accounts 
which Cabeca de Vaca, Coronado and Chamuscaclo 

* History of Colonization of New Mexico Mss. 



94 EXPLORERS— ESPEJO, CASTANO. 

had given of the country and people. His estimates 
of the population of the provinces and pueblos which 
he visited in New Mexico and Arizona, amount to 
253,000 souls. It has seemed unworth}^ of a history 
to ascribe such a population to the sedentary or pue- 
blo nations of this region. It did not include the 
Tiguas on the Rio Grande or the Tiguas and Piros 
around the salt lakes, nor the Tehuas of Taos, 
an agricultural population of fifty thousand more. 
Castenada estimated it at seventy thousand, which 
he thought should be more or less reduced. Bande- 
lier asserts that Espejo was honestly deceived in his 
estimates of the population by two things which 
could not have failed to produce an illusion. He 
did not thoroughly explore the country, and judged 
of the villages at a distance or on a short sojourn 
among them. As he recalled them, they had an 
exaggerated size, and again, wherever the Spaniards 
stopped in a village, the people in great crowds sur- 
rounded them, led by curiosity as much as distrust, 
and new crowds came so long as he remained. He 
multiplied the number of these by the number of 
villages. 

Espejo was exact in other observations, and espe- 
cially intelligent in his allusions to the mineral 
resources of the territory. He reported New Mex- 
ico to be rich in metals; Coronado believed to the 
contrary. But Espejo reckoned upon the indications 
of mines which were to be worked in order to 
enrich their possessors. Coronado as a conqueror 
sought for gold and silver in the hands of the 
Indians. 



EXPLORERS— ESP EJO, CA8TAN0. 97 

Espejo sought on his return authority to colonize 
New Mexico with four hundred settlers, of whom 
one hundred should be married. Similar authorit}^ 
had been asked by Christobal Martin, six months 
before, also by Francisca de Vargas. All were 
refused by the government, w^ho mistrusted the 
reports of this country. Espejo died soon after his 
return. 

Not one of Espejo's companions remained in the 
country. He founded no town in New Mexico, nor 
did he ever enter Santa Fe. He formed a great 
scheme for colonization w^iich he presented to the 
king, but fortunately for him and his associates it 
was never executed, on account of his death. In 
1589, a contract was made wdth Juan Baptista de 
Lomas by which he was permitted to conquer and 
colonize New Mexico. Though this contract was 
renewed in 1592, the project was never carried out; 
still the agreement was regarded in force. The 
Spanish government had but little faith in the 
resources of its northern provinces, and refrained 
from embarrassing itself with their development. 

Yet the Captain-General of New Leon, Gasper 
de Castano de Sosa, by virtue of royal ordinances 
and his powers as acting Governor, proclaimed 
in 1590 an expedition to explore the north, and 
on the 27th of July, with a hundred soldiers, he 
set forth unconsciously in an unlawful enterprize, 
which revealed many interesting features of this 
unknown country. It was very successfully con- 
ducted. Witli supply wagons and oxen, he took 
a new route up the Pecos valley, discovered the 



98 EXPLORERS — ESP E JO, CASTANO. 

remarkable pueblos in the Canon Pintado, visited 
Pecos and the Tanos villages on the Gallisteo and 
the provinces in the Rio Grande valley as far as 
Santo Domingo. There he was arrested by a detach- 
ment of fifty troops sent after him, for violation of 
the laws and interference with the rights of Loma 
under his contract with the government. Castano 
returned a captive instead of an honored explorer, 
which his wise conduct of the expedition and 
remarkable prudence and kindness in treating with 
the inhabitants of the country, deserved. He was 
Coronado's equal in courage and fertility of re- 
sources, and but for the unfortunate mistake in the 
inception of his enterprize, which made him in 
modern terms, a fillibuster, rather than a lawful 
invader, he would have served most effectively his 
country and king. 



PERIOD III. 



SPANISH COLONIZATION 



1598 TO 1680. 



CHAPTER VI 



ONATE. 




HE results of 
the expeditions 
which were well 
equipped for 
long a d A^ e n - 
tures, were enough to 
deter reasonable men 
from the search for 
wealth in New Mexico. 
But it was not long 
before a party of pros- 
pectors for gold and silver mines were led to the 
northern country by a Portugese captain, Leyva 
Bonilla, and one of his soldiers, Humana. They 
were pursuing hostile Indians and were directed to 
search for Quivera toward the North, by order 
of the Governor of New Biscay. Bonilla was diso- 
bedient to the command of his captain to return, 
and with eighty men, notwithstanding the refusal of 
six of his subordinate officers to march under him, 

101 



102 ONATK 

pushed, out upon the j)lain.s. There they disap- 
peared. Not one returned to tell their fate. It 
was learned from a Mexican Indian, whom Juan de 
Oiiate afterward, in 1599, obtained for a guide at 
Picuries on a similar expedition to Quivera, that 
Leyva marched toward the north, leaving the Pue- 
blo villages on his left, and traveling always on the 
great plains. There he was murdered by Humana, 
who took command, and in fact reached Quivera 
north-east of New Mexico near where Coronado had 
discovered it. On their return, wdiile the Spaniards 
were asleep, the Indians set fire to the grass of the 
plains, and the camp Avas burned and all perished 
but Jose, a mulatto girl, and a young Spaniard 
named Alonzo Sanchez, who were separated from 
the soldiers. 

Two hundred miles to the north-east, in the y\\- 
lage of San Juan, on the plains of Colorado or Kan- 
sas, Ofiate discovered pieces of armour, horseshoes, 
scraps of iron and the bones of horses. It was proof 
to Oiiate's party that Humana and his men had per- 
ished there. Nothing was ever heard of them again. 
Oiiate found the Indian and the woman who sur- 
vived that disastrous fate.*^ 

Still the story of Quivera occupied the Spaniards. 
It went to Spain in new and attractive garb. Coro- 
nado' s sober reports of it were forgotten, or over- 
looked, and New Mexico was believed to be the only 
pathway to its I'iches. 

Juan de Onate is the prominent name in the his- 
tory of New Mexico for the next twenty years. He 

*Bandelier. History of Colouization of New Mexico Mss. 



ON ATE. 103 

undertook its colonization and settlement in a more 
systematic way, and was well fitted to give civiliza- 
tion to this country. A resident of Zacatecas, in 
the richest mineral region of Mexico, and a man of 
wealth, he sought the honors of nobility which were 
decreed by the King of Spain to fhe discoverers or 
conquerors of new lands. His father had been a 
lieutenant in Nuiio de Guzman's army. His wife's 
grandfather Avas one of the four founders of Zaca- 
tecas and a principal proprietor in the mines. 
Oiiate offered to equip at his own expense and pay 
the wages of at least two hundred soldiers. The 
king was to bear no expense. The proposition was 
accepted by the Viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, on the 
15th of September, 1595. Oiiate was to obtain the 
title of AdeJantado, Governor and Captain-General, 
and high official titles for his two cousins, and for his 
young SOD Oristobah Ohate, who should accomj)any 
him in the dangerous enter jDrize. On February 
28th, 1596, the agreement was approved by the 
Count de Monterey, and on the 8th of May, Onate 
was ordered to suspend his preparations. Not until 
the ITtli of December, 1597, was he able to over- 
come the obstacles and enemies to liis enterprize at 
court. For two years he maintained tAvo hundred 
soldiers with all their equipments at his own 
expense. Then he departed from San Bartolemo, 
in Chihuahua, to colonize New Mexico, with a com- 
pany of four hundred, including the families of col- 
onists, and 600 or 700 head of cattle. He was 
accompanied by eight Franciscan friars and two lay 
brothers. , Ascendinu- the Rio Grande on the 30th of 



104 ONATE. 

April, 1598, he entered the present boundaries of 
the United States territory, and "for the sixth time 
since 1539, the Sjjaniards took formal possession of 
all the Kingdoms and provinces of New Mexico." * 

The country was mostly inhabited by wander- 
ing Indians below this point. He crossed the Rio 
Grande at El Paso, on the 4tli of May, and on the 
27th arrived at the villages of San Marcial, trav- 
ersing the Jornada del Muerto. Then successively 
visiting the Piros, Tiguas and Queres, discovering 
relics of former expeditions, and forming friendly 
relations with the different peoples, he established 
his first location between the Chama and the Rio 
Grande, and founded the first town in the fer- 
tile valley thus protected by these rivers. It was 
called San Gabriel of the Spaniards, now Chameta, 
and was the first European settlement on new ground 
in New Mexico. Here the first church was built, 
which was consecrated with much ceremony. The 
older towns of Zuiii, Bernalillo, Taos, occupied by 
Spaniards as early as 1540, antedate this settlement, 
which never had any importance as a town. The 
first camp was at San Juan Baptista, the jDresent 
San Juan. At San Gabriel the Franciscan fathers 
established their first convent, which was for a 
long time the centre of their mission work until 
the importance of Santa Fe as the capital of New 
Mexico drew their interest and institutions to that 
town. 

Ohate allowed no violence in the treatment of the 
natives of the different colonies. They quite readily 

*A. de F. Bandelier. Histgry of Colonization of N«w Mexico Mss. 




PUEBLO UNA VIDA, 

Chaco Canon, 

N. M. 

K> 40 SO 6D 70 ao 00 IQO 
I I ' ■ ■ ■ ' -t 

&CALC iOO FEET 



1 1_2~-— -^ J 1 

dHBjj 

DnnnD 

DDQQa 

or ^ 



ON ATE. 107 

submitted to tlie authority of tlie King of Spain, 
believing generally that they would receive advant- 
ages from the new-comers and their religious rites, 
superior to those of their own government and 
superstitions. The discoverers were not allowed to 
take to themselves the name of conquerors, lest it 
should give countenance to acts of oppression and 
violence. The tact and friendliness of previous 
invaders of this country since Coronado's time, had 
prepared the way for the easy colonization under 
Onate. He went from province to province, to 
establish the authority of Spain in a friendly way 
over them, and to introduce the religion of the Holy 
Faith by the priests who accompanied him. A con- 
ference of pueblo tribes was held at Santo Domingo 
the 7th of July, 1598, where they gave in their alle- 
giance to the King. At a second conference the 9th 
of September, the same year, the religious missions 
of New Mexico were definitely located, and the 
chiefs of the missions appointed. There were seven 
thus commissioned to most dangerous and difiicult 
charges, which included the Apaches, and wandering 
tribes with the pueblos or sedentary Indians. As 
these provinces and tribes were often not in friendly 
relations, and their languages were distinct and 
learned with great difficulty, it was a superhuman 
task thus imposed on these priests to reconcile, to 
convert and to civilize by the Christian religion 
these idolatrous and warlike people. They could 
be protected only by the power of the God they 
served, when they should depart to their separate 
fields, The natives received them as instructors, 



108 ONATE. 

prophets and intercessors for things spiritual and 
material.* 

The colonists were at first pleased with the coun- 
try in which they had settled. Its high elevation, 
healthful and inspiriting air and fertile soil, were 
as attractive as the valleys and plateaus of old Spain. 
The Indians were friendly and aided them in build- 
ing their houses. There was an abundance of game 
in the mountains and of fish in the streams, and 
the soil promised a quick return to its cultivation. 
Their plantations were soon green with the grow- 
ing corn, wheat and vegetables. They improved the 
excellent grazing lands, for the raising of cattle and 
sheep. The skins of the buffalo, Avolves, bears and 
deer protected them till their flocks jdelded wool for 
their weaving; and they dwelt in peace with the 
natives. Some were discouraged Avith the necessary 
hardships of new settlements and a few returned to 
Mexico. 

But new emigrants came into the country and 
extended their settlements to the north and east 
as far as the boundaries of Colorado. The efforts 
of the friars in the missions were not so prosperous. 
The missionaries gathered but few converts. They 
were too much scattered. Their loneliness was 
painful in the extreme, and they suffered from the 
destitution and improvidence of the natives. These 
were unwilling to learn of the missionaries, and the 
heathen rites, still observed in the neighboring estu- 
fas, were far more eagerly sought than the Chris- 
tian worship. 

* Bandelier. 



ON ATE. 109 

Onate was unwearied in his efforts to explore the 
country, and bring into obedience and good wilt 
the different tribes. He also sent fifty men far 
to the east, into the country of the buffaloes, 
and out upon the plains, in search for Quivera. 
They found the traces of Humana' s expeditions, and 
met the Apaches, and returned to camp in twenty- 
two days. They reported as the famous Quivera a 
series of the Apache wigwams which they had seen, 
several miles long, united for protection against the 
herds of buffalo. This led Ohate some years after, 
between 1601 and 1606, to lead another expedition 
of eighty soldiers six hundred miles out upon the 
plains in search of the illusory city of gold. It 
brought him into conflict with the Esquansaques 
in defence of the people of the Quiveran tribes, who 
are said to have made a treaty with the Spaniards. 
The accounts of this expedition are very obscure 
and unreliable. 

The submission and immediate revolt of the Aco- 
ma tribe and the speedy capture of this almost 
impregnable fortress, was the most remarkable oc- 
currence in the early history of Oiiate's colonization. 
Oilate narrowly escaped the assassination which befell 
a small company of troops, who, in their search for 
him had arrived at Acoma, and had been invited 
to the hospitality of the pueblo. Eleven thus per- 
ished in a night. Oiiate's prompt punishment of 
the tribe, in which the fortress was assaulted and 
burned and great numbers of the Acomas slain, 
gave from that time all the country into his pos- 
session, terrified by the intrepidity of the Spanish 



110 ONATE. 

troops in thus snccessfnlly subduing the strongest 
defenses and most warlike tribe. 

Onate afterward explored the country east^vard 
of his settlements towards the Canadien, whose 
great caiion he discovered and called it the Pali- 
sado. He claimed to have found evidences that the 
country of Quivera abounded in gold, and even sent 
to the king of Spain a captive who, when taken 
to Mexico, had shown remarkable knowledge of the 
precious metal and of the manner of refining it. 
This Indian excited great interest in the City of 
Mexico at the court. 

But when Onate returned from his explorations of 
the coinitry of the north-east be3"ond the plains, he 
found dissensions and discouragements among the 
colonists, who had become improvident. Drought 
followed by famine, overwhelmed the colon}'. The 
troops robbed the Indians of their stores of maize. 
The Indians suffered with the colonists from huno-er. 
The missionaries were starvino; an-d almost naked, 
and abandoned their missions. The settlers, impov- 
erished, disappointed and deceived, in regard to the 
resources of the countr}'. which at first promised 
so well, deserted the colony, in 1601, and went 
to Chihuahua, accompanied b}' the disheartened 
missionaries. 

Onate, by vigorous correspondence with the heads 
of the order in Mexico and Spain, succeeded in secur- 
ing the return of the Franciscans to their missions, 
and with them came many of the settlers. The 
prosperity of the colony gradually returned, and 
Onate having received reinforcements of troops, 



ONATK. Ill 

marched westward so far as to follow the great river 
Colorado to its mouth, in 1(»()4— 5. 

In this ne\v period of prosperity, in 1605, the 
capital was transferred to Santa Fe. In 1608 nine 
priests were at work in New Mexico. Fray Gero- 
nimo de Zarate Salmaron, established at Jemez 
pueblo, had learned the native language and preach- 
ing with remarkable success, reported that he bap- 
tized and administered the Sacraments to 6566 
Indians of that nation, besides maiiy others of the 
Cia, Santa Ana and otlun- Queres people. 

Churches were built which remained as monu- 
ments of the zeal of the missionaries. Salmaron's 
journal of eight years' labor in New Mexico, with 
accounts of its richness and fertility, stimulated 
others to like sacrifices. 

When the capital was removed to Santa Fe, the 
town of San Gabriel was completely abandoned and 
the churches and buildings fell into ruins. The 
beautiful valley between the Chamita and the 
canon of San Ildefonzo was left to the Tehuas, the 
former proprietors or occupants. 

"The Spaniards," sa^^s Bandelier, "and the Pue- 
blos were thenceforth without daily communication, 
except when renewed by journeys for trade. The 
missions were also by themselves, and the priests 
had not constantly to mediate betw^een the two 
races. Tlie}^ could devote themselves exclusively to 
their work. There was insensibly forming in New 
Mexico two distinct societies, the Spanish colony 
and the missions. The first had to protect the 
others, and the missionaries, in working for the grad- 



112 ON ATE. 

ual civilization of the Indians, had to render that 
protection unnecessary. There was on the part of 
both, rights and duties, prerogatives and obligations. 
The Governor was bound to succor the missionaries 
in time of danger. The religionists were bound to 
minister to the spiritual welfare of the colony as 
well as to the converts. So long as Onate remained 
Governor there were no serious conflicts between the 
powers which represented under the same flag, the 
two states, geographically speaking, of which one 
included the other." * 

Oiiate returned to Spain, and about 1608, Pedro 
de Peralta arrived to replace Oiiate as Governor. 
There were grievous differences between him and 
the representatives of the church. The records of 
the ecclesiastics are very partisan and violent with 
regard to him. The Franciscans wished to hold 
the colonists to the rights pledged to the Indians, 
and for good reason, for their contact with civiliza- 
tion was an evil so long as it was not moral. On 
the other side, the Governors thus interpreted their 
position, as expressed by one of the successors of 
Peralta : " The colonists {encomenderos) of that prov- 
ince have received their grants of land from his 
majesty and from the Governors, in his royal name, 
in order that they might dwell in that city of Santa 
r6, in order to form there a community and not for 
another thing except that the Governor should order 
them conformably to the condition of their grants. 
The colonists had certain privileges. The king gave 
them, after Santa Fe had been founded, instead of 

* History of Colonization of New Mexico Mss. 



ON ATE. 115 

salaries, the encoviiendas of the Indians in the 
neighborhood." 

There were at Santa Fe, belonging to the Tanos, 
the remains of two ancient pueblos, when the Span- 
iards came to establish the town site. Tezuque 
of the Tehuas, ten miles to the north, and Tzi-guma 
near the Cieneguilla, twelve miles to the south-west, 
San Marcos, Galisteo, on the south, and Pojuaque 
on the north, were around the capital. Their 
inhabitants brought as tribute to the Spaniards of 
the city, a cotton mantle, and a fanega (two and a 
half bushels) of corn for each family. 

Thug a door was opened to oppression and aliena- 
tion of the natives by the Spaniards, which increased 
during the administration from 1608 to 1640. 
There were, in 1617, but forty-eight colonists and 
soldiers in Santa Fe. The Spanish population was 
necessarily very small elsewhere in the Territory. 
Yet the office of Governor was sought, for its profit- 
able revenues. The Indians had submitted peace- 
fully to Spanish rule because of the advantages 
which at first seemed to come with it in the arts of 
civilization, which they readily took up to a certain 
degree, especially in industrial pursuits. The Span- 
iards became selfish and greedy. They often abused 
their easily acquired power over the natives. They 
had a rare opportunity to raise them by their relig- 
ion and education to a condition similar to their 
own. This was the effort of the priests; but the 
Spaniards often regarded the Indians as vassals or 
dependent wards of whom the}^ could exact the serv- 
ice of captives rather than of subjects to the King. 



116 Ol^ATK 

Many converts were made to their religion by the 
priests in twenty years. In 1617, there were 14,000 
baptized, and as many more ready for it, and there 
were eleven churches.* In 16o0, all the pueblos 
were converted except Zuili,t but the requirements 
of the Spaniards dispelled their illusions. The Span- 
ish rule did not protect them from their inveterate 
enemies the Apaches, whose massacres and robberies 
of the Pueblos were left unavenged. The old tradi- 
tions of the natives were dishonored : their marriage 
arrangements interfered with and restraints put upon 
the license of their heathen practices ; their religious 
dances were forbidden; their estufas deserted and 
their altars destroyed. Tliey had not the Christian 
character by which the}- could easily drop heathen 
customs, and the medicine men or magicians were 
jealous of the Spanish opposition to their rites. 
Their new religion required them to serve priests 
and masters, and add to the revenues of missions, 
churches and estates. They could not distinguish 
between the secular and religious powers over them. 

* We must find these at Santa Fe, Pecos, Taos, Picuries, Santo Do- 
mingo, San Felipo, Sandia. There are four others, whose locations are 
not known, but they were probably at San Diego de los Jemez. The ruins 
of that Church in stone are still visible. 

San Joseph de los Jemez. The ruins are not visible, but it is certain 
that the church was extant in 1622. 

Santa Cruz de Galisteo. 

San Francisco de Nambe. The last two we cannot affirm as a fact, 
but it seems probable to us that they are among the most ancient edifices 
of Catholic worship in the country. 

Mss. in the Vatican. A. de F. Bandelier. 
t Fray Francisco Detrado, the founder of the missions in Zutii, and Pfere 
Martin, were assassinated by the Zunis in 1630. Fray Antonio Gutierez 
was poisoned to death by the jMoquis in 1633. ^^ founded that mission. 



ON ATE. 117 

The latter were often interposing for their relief 
from impositions by the more arbitrary Governors 
of colonists. 

In 1642, Governor Rosas was assassinated on 
account of a quarrel between the ecclesiastics and 
the secular judges. This event caused great alarm 
in Mexico, as if it had come from an insurrection 
against the royal Government. But while it meant 
no disloyalty to the King, it was the culmination 
of much strife between the religionists and officials, 
and several priests Avere involved in the violent 
deeds of the insurgents. None of them Avere pun- 
ished, but a colonist, or soldier, was executed for the 
crime. Immunity from punishment by civil laws 
was claimed by the religionists, among wliom was 
a disposition, if not a well-defined purpose, to estab- 
lish a theocratic form of government in the colony. 

The increasing restlessness of the natives, the con- 
sequent peril and the difficulties of transportation, 
with the hardships of living in New Mexico, caused 
the Colony to increase but slowly, and the missions 
languished. The Indians were continually reminded 
of the past by their crafty magicians, who appealed 
to their worst passions and hindered or entirely for- 
bade the youth to learn of the priests. Their fre- 
quent losses from Apache raids, their unpunished 
enemies, and their irksome restraints were regarded 
as cruel wrongs. Ten different pueblos* were soon 



*The term pueblo became common during the Spanish occupation of 
New Mexico — with two significations : 
Pueblo — the group of community houses. 
Pueblo — the nation occupying them. 



lis OKATK 

secretly united in measures planned to overcome the 
Spaniards. The natives became insolent and defi- 
ant, and their masters became more exacting of 
obedience and service, and were suspicious of their 
designs, on account of the frequent warnings of the 
priests. co 

Tn the year 1650, when General Arguello became 
Governor and Captain-General, forty Indians were 
whipped, im^Drisoned and hanged for conspiracy. 
At this their countrymen seized their arms, but had 
no concert of action. One Spaniard was killed, but 
twenty-nine of the conspirators were arrested and 
imprisoned, and the rest dispersed. 

Ten years passed away and the Pueblo Indians 
became with each effort apparently more helpless. 
The Teguas nation, and the pueblos of Cochite and 
Jemez conspired, in 1650, with Apaches as allies, to 
massacre or drive from the country every Spaniard 
or priest. The Governor, General Concha, promptly 
and energetically repressed this movement, at its 
very inception. On Thursday night of Passion 
week when the Christians would be assembled in 
their churches, the assassins were to rush upon them 
in their devotions. Some Indians who had stolen 
horses, were overtaken and confessed the design to 
murder the Spaniards. The Governor, informed of 
this confession, ferretted out the principal leaders, 
who with many others were imprisoned. To quell 
the turbulent spirit of the natives, nine of the pris- 
oners were hung and others sold into slavery for a 
period of ten years. The rebellion was crushed, and 
the Indians lived in grief and despair. In 1660, 



ON ATE. 119 

during the administration of Governor Mendezabal, 
a census of the territory gave twenty-four thousand 
people of all ages, including the Indians. The Piros 
and Apaches in the administration of General Vil- 
lanueva, from 1675 to 1G80, joined in a raid upon 
the Spaniards in which five of the latter were killed. 
Six of the Indians, who were afterward captured in 
the Magdalena mountains, were hung, and others 
imprisoned. In 1675, the Spaniards accused the 
Teguas Indians of San Ildefonzo of bewitching the 
friar Andres Duran, who was superior of the con- 
vent there. Two persons had been killed there 
by poison, and as a result of the trial, forty-three 
Indians were sold into slavery and four more were 
hung. Seventy Teguas warriors came early one 
morning to the Governor's rooms with eggs, chick- 
ens, tobacco, beans and skins, as a ransom for these 
their countrymen, who were in confinement. The 
Governor, alarmed at their demands, consented to 
their release, and the Indians peacefully retired.* 
Among those implicated in the San Ildefonzo affair 
was that most remarkable character, Pope, who at 
this time made his first appearance. Through his 
untiring efforts and wonderful strength of character, 
five years later, the rebellion of 1680 was entirely 
successful, and his country delivered from its oppres- 
sors, after five distinct efforts to combine the pue- 
blos had been made by others, which had been each 
time defeated by the betrayal of the conspiracy by 
native informers. 

From tlie administration of Pacheco to that of 

* Davis' Conquest of New Mexico. 



120 ON ATE. 

Otermin, in 1680, there were fourteen Governors, 
of whom eleven only are known. Special import- 
ance attaches to the administration of Don Diego 
Dionisio de Penalosa Brizino, who entered upon 
that office in 1661. He returned to Mexico in 1664. 
He was in frequent conflict with the religious offi- 
cials and went so far as to imprison the Commissary 
of the Holy Office in New Mexico. He also inter- 
fered with the commerce of the Pueblos and the 
Apaches in the missions and forbade the entrance of 
the Apaches into the Spanish communities, chiefly 
at Santa Fe, which was the only Spanish town in 
the territory till' 1695. For Peiialosa's treatment 
of the Commissary, he was tried by the Inquisition 
in Mexico and severely punished. He made several 
explorations of the eastern and western borders of 
New Mexico, but made a false report of a pretended 
expedition to Qui vera. Embittered by his disgrace 
he entered into treasonable negotiations in England 
and France for the proposed capture of the rich 
provinces of Chihuahua from the power of Spain, 
and the separation of the provinces north of it from 
Mexico. He died in Paris in 1689. 

The vigorous administration of Governor Concha 
effectually restrahied the Pueblos from any import- 
ant measures to secure their freedom. Still the 
enslaved and maltreated natives, under fourteen 
different governors, driven to desperation, formed 
at last a league in which they sank their tribal 
jealousies for the sake of liberty and revenge. The 
Northern tribes were most active in efforts to unite 
all the nations against a common enemy. The Taos 



ON ATE. 121 

Indians formed a new conspiracy, and communicat- 
ing their plans for its execution by symbols on two 
deer skins, they sent them out to the Indians in 
all the Christian pueblos as far as the villages of 
Moqui, inviting them to join in the insurrection. 
The Moquis refused to unite and the rest deferred 
their attempt for liberty till they could be assured 
of success by the certainty that the Spaniards could 
secure no Indian allies. 



PERIOD IV. 



REBELLION AND NATIVE 
INDEPENDENCE. 



1680 TO 1692. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



OTEEMIN, CRUZATE TO VAR^^AS. 



^HE Spaniards were aroused to a 
sense of their danger in 1G76, by 
the efforts and devotion of an 
eminent official of the Franciscan 
order, Fray Francisco de Ayeta. 
"He came to New Mexico in the 
quality of Procurer, and became 
the Director of the missions in 
1674. There was an official recon- 
ciliation between the secular 
authorities and the clergy; all 
the previous documents contain- 
ing accusations against the ecclesi- 
astics were publicly burned at 
Santa Fe. The danger which 
threatened all, brought both parties 
together. Ayeta recognized from 
the first the gravity of the situation, and became 
the intercessor for the colony to the authorities 
in Mexico. His declaration of the year 1676, to 

125 




126 OTERMIN, CBUZATE TO VARGAS, 

the Viceroy, is a cry of alarm, a solemn and pro- 
phetic warning." 

Ayeta proposed immediate relief. He called for 
an increase of the military force in the province 
by fifty well-armed soldiers provided with horses. 
Knowing the exhausted condition of the treasury at 
Mexico, he offered to transport these at the expense 
of the Franciscan order. The soldiers were equipped 
by the Viceroy. A thousand horses were bought 
and fifty men arrived at Santa Fe in time to shed 
their blood in a useless defense. But it was too late 
to save the colony or its twenty-five Indian missions 
in New Mexico. 

Pope now rises to view from the obscurity in 
which his secret machinations for several years had 
kept him. He was a native of San Juan, but dwelt 
in the esoteric circles of the Taos pueblo, where he 
had acquired a great reputation by his necromancy, 
and also by secret acts of violence against the Span- 
iards. He had learned his arts of legerdemain 
among the Apaches and Navajoes. He had great 
gifts of eloquence and the elements of character 
necessary to leadership. With burning words he 
inflamed the passions of the Indian chiefs and war- 
riors against the Spaniards who had first deceived 
and then enslaved them. Hidden in an estufa, he 
and two companions, Zaca and Tacu, received the 
wise men who came from all the pueblos to be 
assured of his power and asserted communications 
with the spirits of the under-world. Their bodies 
rubbed with phosphorescent substances, glowed in 
the darkness of the estufa and seemed to break 



OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 127 

forth into flames at their extremities. The devil, 
whose worship was much practised by those pueblos, 
inspired him. Spirits from the lake Cibobe, the 
happy place of the dead, communicated to him their 
wish that the pueblos should all unite against their 
oppressors. The visitors departed and confirmed to 
their own people in the estufas of distant pueblos 
the messages of Pope and the authority with which 
he spoke. Thus Pope labored for four years with 
his countrymen to unite them. Their minds were 
therefore prepared for the messengers who bore to 
them one day in the summer of 1680, swiftly run- 
ning from tribe to tribe, a rope of palm-leaf tied witli 
knots, giving the number of days before the time 
fixed for the great uprising, which should sweep 
their oppressors and the missions from the country. 
Each day they untied a knot as the time drew near. 
The conspiracy was kept in profound secrecy from 
the women. Death was threatened to all who 
refused to join it, but the plot was everywhere 
known to the men in the territory. If one was sus- 
pected of treachery he was killed. Pope's own son- 
in-law, the Governor of San Juan, was killed under 
suspicion of his unfaithfulness to the cause of his 
country. The Piros nation Were not included in the 
conspiracy. 

Such secrecy so well preserved indicated remark- 
able strength of character, and at the same time a 
deep sense of rancor against the Spaniards. It 
seems impossible that so many Christian Indians, 
greatly attached as many were to the priests and to 
the Spaniards whom they served, should have kept 



128 OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

in their hearts through superstitious dread or pat- 
riotic devotion, the knowledge that tlieir friends 
and masters and religious teachers, were doomed to 
death. 

There were fifteen hundred Spaniards in New 
Mexico at this time, and at least twenty thousand 
Pueblo Indians were enlisted in the conspiracy. 
There were a thousand inhabitants in Santa Fe, half 
of whom were Mexican Indian servants. There 
were Spaniards living in every pueblo, five hundred 
men probably, scattered on farms from Algodones 
as far north as Taos, and east and west of the Rio 
Grande valley. The capital had a few soldiers and 
two small cannons, with but a small quantity of fire- 
arms and ammunition for defense, and the Spaniards 
were wholly unprepared for such a tremendous out- 
burst of wrath.* 

* Santa Fe in 1680. "On the south side of the little river, as already 
stated, there was no town. A few houses occupied by Spanish families 
had been built among the little huts of the Indian servants. The name 
' Analco,' given to the quarters about San Miguel, dated from the past 
century. The chapel of San Miguel, built after 1636, loomed up over 
scattered fields and dispersed buildings of small proportions. The town 
proper stood all on the North side. The town was somewhat larger than 
it is to-day. It extended further east. Its north side was occupied by the 
'Royal Houses,' as the palace was mostly called. San Francisco street 
was the ' Calle Real,' the principal street of the place. A street inter- 
sected it at right angles, passing through the buildings now owned by Gov. 
Prince, and continued northward along the east side of the Palace. It 
terminated in a broad trail leading to Tezuque. The Palace had, there- 
fore, a wider facade than the edifice that bears its name to-day, and which 
occupies only parts of the original site. Another street ran from north to 
south along the western side of the royal houses, and a fourth one con- 
tinued west of the main front of that building, so that the town lay really 
west of the present square, and was divided into three bodies of buildings, 
one between San Francisco street and the river, another north of that 
street and south of the military headquarters, and the third (composed 



OTEEMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 129 

The new moon of August 28 was the appomted 
time for the outbreak. The priest at Tezuque had 
been twice warned by faithful Christian Indians 
before he fled to alarm the Governor, who, two 
days before, had also been notified from the same 
pueblo of the impending destruction of the colony. 
The treachery of the Tezuque Indians was discov- 
ered, and the conspirators in whose exulting hearts 
the flames of passion had been scarcely smothered 
for so long, leaped to their long-cherished vengeance 
on the 10th of August. 

The Spaniards were terrified at their peril. Gov- 
ernor Otermin took measures to fortify the capital, 
and messengers were at once despatched to all the 
Spanish settlements instructing the people to gather 
in the North at Santa Fe, and in the south at Isleta. 
The Indians of the different pueblos were also imme- 
diately informed by their allies of their betrayal. 
The messengers of alarm and of wrath crossed each 
other's paths, speeding on their conflicting errands 
of mercy and revenge. The same night of the 10th 
of August, the conspirators began to slay without 
mercy all Christians within their reach. Priests, 
women and children fell without distinction before 
their murderous blows. A few maidens were 
reserved for wives to the warriors, but the work of 
extermination went on with unrelenting ferocity. 

only of a few dwellings), on the site of headquarters and north of it. The 
houses were not contiguous. Gardens, nay small fields, surrounded each 
residence. Santa Fe formed a long triangle tapering gradually to the 
west, the eastern side of which was marked by the parochial church and 
its convent. The site of that church, the foundations of which were laid 
in 1622, is the same now occupied by the cathedral." — Bandelier. 



130 OTKRMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

It was indeed true that the inspiration of this rebell- 
ion came from the infernal spirits of evil, for the 
quiet and peaceable Pueblos were transformed in an 
hour to cruel hends. 

Two soldiers from Taos bore the first official news 
of the conspiracy and rising of the Teguas, and the 
massacre at Santa Clara and La Canada. In three 
days the same mournful tidings had come to the 
capital from the north and south, and the east as 
far as Pecos, and from Jemez in the west. Eight- 
een out of the twenty-live priests in the va lous 
missions were slain and three hundred and eighty 
Spaniards, old and young, assassinated and treated 
with great cruelty, as subsequent information proved. 
The summons to the settlers was heeded at once. 
They left their homes and sought the places of ren- 
dezvous, but many were overtaken and became vic- 
tims of the Indians. 

From tlie first news of the revolt, Governor Oter- 
min began to gather the inhabitants of Santa Fe 
to a place of safety. He chose to fortify the build- 
ings and enclosure on the present site of the Gov- 
ernor's palace. The women and children, the houses, 
the consecrated ornaments of the church, the valua- 
ble possessions of the town, with such provisions as 
could bo collected, were placed within the enclosure. 
There were two towers at the corners, where the 
small guns were stationed. The approaches to this 
plaza w^ere barricaded b}' the soldiers. The place 
of defence was badly chosen. From the high 
ground toward Fort Marcy they were under the 
inspection of the enemy. They were cut oft" from 



OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 133 

the river which was the main supply of water to the 
town, except springs near the palace and the Cien- 
ega on what is now Palace Avenue. They were in 
great danger from a siege, to which, in fact, the 
Indians resorted to conquer them. 

The return of detachments sent out to the neigh- 
boring towns of Santa Cruz and the Cerrillos, and 
the recitals of fugitives to the capital, filled the peo- 
ble in the fortifications with horror. The Spaniards 
had been exterminated as far north as Taos, except 
a few families who were defending themselves in the 
valley of Santa Cruz. A few were blockaded at 
Cerrillos. Six families below San Domingo had 
escaped to Isleta, and from Albuquerque to Socorro 
the settlers were fleeing toward El Paso. 

The Tanos, Pecos and Queres were reported 
approaching from the south, having reached Arroyo 
Hondo on the 13th, and on the morning of the 14th 
of August, they were seen from the roof of the for- 
tified palace, on the banks of the river by the San 
Miguel church and spread out on the plain, pillag- 
ing the deserted houses of the servants of the Span- 
iards. They occupied the place which the Governor 
should have taken for his defense, and there awaited 
the approach of their allies from the north, project- 
ing themselves in the church and abandoned houses. 
The Indians were armed with bows, cross-bows, fire- 
arms, and swords and lances, and many rode horses 
which they had taken from the Spaniards. 

Otermin sought to parley with the. Tanos' and 
induce them to withdraw their warriors before the 
Teguas should arrive. They vigorously refused any 



134 OTEUMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

terms of peace and sent to him two crosses, a white 
one, which signified peace and immediate with- 
drawal of the Spaniards from the country; a red 
one, which indicated war and extermination. Oter- 
min chose the red cross, having no confidence in 
their protended oft'er of peace. Tlie Spaniards were 
surrounded in their fortifications. Within were a 
thousand people and a great many horses and other 
animals. The Indians became more numerous every 
day. The Teguas and northern tribes were coming 
in over the hills. They occupied, the heights above 
the town, shut off the stream of water that partly 
supplied the Spaniards, and determined to reduce 
them by starvation. Horses and other animals 
began to suffer and die. The supply of provisions 
became reduced. Otermin determined to attack 
the Indians, and made a sortie on the 20th to drive 
them from the streets in the lower part of the town. 
They were surprised in the houses, and by eleven 
o'clock in the morning the Indians were completely 
scattered. Otermin lost one of his principal officers 
and a few soldiers, and was himself wounded ten 
times by the Indian arrows; but his victory was 
of little importance except in the capture of forty- 
seven prisoners, and the killing of many Indians. 
The rest dispersed and left the Spaniards in perplex- 
ity. Their foes were very numerous, their provisions 
had failed. The only way to save their lives from 
the savages was to escape to El Paso. For the cap- 
tive Indiana were examined before their execution 
as to the details of the conspiracy, and its details 
gave little hope for the Spaniards. 



OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 135 

They then executed the prisoners in the plaza. 
A council was called, and in view of the scarcity of 
provisions and exhausted condition of the soldiers, 
of whom now not more than a hundred were in 
effective condition for fighting, it was determined to 
abandon the town. 

The sick and wounded were prepared for the 
march on the night of the 20th, some valuable 
baggage packed for transportation, and at sunrise 
the next morning the whole population entered upon 
the desperate march of three hundred miles through 
a country filled with hostile Indians. 

The natives were much discouraged at their losses 
and the death of the prisoners the previous day, 
and watched the Spaniards from the hills until 
they were fairly entered upon their march. They 
reached the Gallisteo and encamped, without any 
hostile demonstrations on the part of the Indians. 
The citizens travelled on foot, protected by the 
soldiers on horse-back, who examined the country 
in their route down the valley of the Rio Grande. 
The pueblos were deserted and the country desolate. 
After reaching Sandia, they came in sight of the 
Indians, but the fugitive Spaniards were reinforced 
at Alamillo by thirty soldiers who were marching 
to their relief from the south. 

Provisions were seldom to be found on the march, 
and the fugitives suffered greatly from hunger. The 
inhabitants who had been gathered at Isleta had 
fled to the south before them. They were obliged 
to halt and send forward to El Paso for food, and 
four carts loaded with corn were sent to them. At 



136 OTEBMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

Saliente, they held a council whether they should 
return to New Mexico, and decided to encamp at 
San Lorenzo, about three miles from El Paso, where 
wood and water could be obtained, and report to 
the Viceroy their defeat and expulsion from New 
Mexico. 

Ihe number of fugitives who escaped from New 
Mexico, including several hundred village Indians 
of the Piros and Teguas, was 1946. The official 
reports make the number of Spaniards who per- 
ished in the two or three days of massacre to be 
four hundred and one, including twenty-one priests 
and seventy-three able-bodied men. 

The condition of the exiles became pitiable. The 
women, barefooted, mixed mortar to plaster the 
walls of the rude huts they erected. Their supplies 
of beef and corn received from El Paso were insuffi- 
cient, and they often had to subsist on herbs and 
wild fruit. Hostile Indians surrounded them, by 
whom they were often attacked, and they were 
obliged to remain at El Paso in poverty and discour- 
agement for several months. 

When the Indians beheld the retreat of the Gov- 
ernor and the hated Spaniards from Santa Fe, they 
were filled with amazement at the speedy success of 
their revolt, and a scene of savage revelry began 
which was like the loosing from confinement of 
thousands of wild animals. All traces of their civ- 
ilization seemed to have been obliterated at once. 
They gave themselves up to astonishing fury, casting 
off all marks of their Christian education. They 
plundered and destroyed everything in the Capital 



OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 137 

which had been the property of the Spaniards, saving 
only the few provisions that could be found. They 
set fire to the church and to the convent, but could 
not burn their adobe walls, which remain in the 
restored building of San Miguel Chapel. They made 
burning heaps of the furniture and relics of the 
church and the houses, and danced wildly around the 
fires, shouting that God the Father and Mary the 
Mother of the Spaniards were dead and the Indian 
God only was alive. Putting on the priests' robes, 
they rode furiously through the streets of Santa Fe, 
with yells of joy. Establishing the four cardinal 
points of the compass as their visible Church, they 
erected stone enclosures in the plaza, dancing the 
cachina, and offering flour, feathers, seeds and grain 
to appease the gods of their country, whose worship 
they now resumed. Then running to the mountain 
stream that flows near the plaza, they washed their 
bodies with amoli to remove all the effects of the 
Christian baptism. They dropped their Christian 
names and marriage relations, and insanely rushed 
back to the debasements of heathenism. 

The priests were regarded as the cause of their 
sufferings. Their treatment of the Fathers in the 
massacre was most cruel and revolting. The old 
priest at Jemez, Friar Juan de Jesus^ sleeping in his 
cell at night, was roused by a band of savages, who 
stripped him naked and having mounted him astride 
a hog, with torches and yells, beating and cursing 
him, drove him through the village. Then they 
compelled him on his hands and knees to carry 
them, till he fell dead, and his body was cast out a 



138 OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

prey to the wolves. A priest at Acoma met a simi- 
lar fate. He was stripped and tied with a rope and 
paraded in fiendish triumph, beaten to death with 
clubs and stones and his body thrown into a cave. 
A priest at Zuiii was dragged from his cell, stripped, 
stoned and shot on the plaza, and his body burned 
in the Church. 

The grounds of complaint against the Spanish 
rule, as stated by the Natives in an official examina- 
tion before and after the rebellion, were comprised 
in the statement, first, that they were angry that the 
priests and the Spaniards had taken away their 
idols and worship handed down to them from their 
ancestors; and secondly, that they wished to live as 
they pleased and not according to the laws of the 
Spaniards, which were not good. "They wished in a 
word to re-establish the old order of things — the old 
religion, the old customs, the old social and politi- 
cal order. We have seen what that signified; now 
the Pueblos were free, nothing hindered them from 
going back an age." * 

Pope, like any other sorcerer, was not any where 
visible during the siege of Santa Fe, nor during any 
of the conflicts, but at once came forward to inspire 
the orgies of the Indians after the town was in his 
possession. His power and influence were greatly- 
increased by the success of the rebellion. His influ- 
ence and word was for a while supreme. He shared 
largely in the booty, and profane honors were be- 
stowed upon him. But conflicts arose. Discussions 
increased every day. The northern pueblos fought 

*A. de F. Bandelier. 




DKATH TO THE Sl'ANIAKUS. 



OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 141 

with the southern, then the Teguas and Pecos tribes 
went to war. The Apaches and Navajoes renewed 
their attacks upon all the Pueblo nations. Plun- 
der and murder everywhere devastated the villages 
and the corn fields. Famine ensued. The northern 
tribes were starving, when the southern had plenty. 
Disease and death were everywhere destroying the 
populations, after their return to heathen customs, 
food and worship. Pope soon died of poison. 
Catiti, who had been the principal leader in the siege, 
had more power; but there was no more union 
among the tribes. The wretchedness and suffering 
of their lives were increased, because discarding 
every form of civilization, and their Christian 
faith, they understood better the degradations of 
heathenism. 

All these changes and desolations were made 
apparent and freely acknowledged by some of the 
tribes, when in 1681, Governor Otermin attempted, 
under the orders of the Viceroy, to re-conquer New 
Mexico. The Franciscan friars at El Paso supplied 
his expedition with almost everything needed by the 
soldiers. Corn, beef, cattle, wagons and ammunition 
were freely provided by this peaceful brotherhood, in 
the hope of recovering their lost missions. New 
armor was manufactured of ox hides. The families 
of the colonists were left at San Lorenzo. The 
inhabitants of Santa Fe were especially zealous to 
recover their homes, and the priests, to Christianize 
the apostate Indians. 

Infantry, cavalry and a body of friendly Indians 
composed the effective force of the army, which 



142 OTERMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 

departed from El Paso November 5th, amid the 
acclaims of the citizens. They reached Isleta De- 
cember 5th, and captured it. The village was m a 
sad condition. The church and convent were dam- 
aged by fire, the church turned into a cattle corral, 
and every cross thrown to the ground. The people 
were ordered to assemble in the plaza, and there 
they were severely chided by Otermin for their 
impiety. The father Ayeta was the next day 
received into Isleta with great ceremony, and 
addressed the people, commanding them to return 
from their apostacy into the fold of the church. 
The}^ received absolution, communion and the bap- 
tism of their children. The royal flag of Spain was 
then unfurled, and saluted with three rounds of mus- 
ketry, amid the shouts of the natives, and the recon- 
secrated bells rang out in loud peals, as the vesper 
service closed the exercises of the day. The next 
day Otermin addressed the people, and extolling the 
King and his care of his subjects, bestowed the 
King's pardon on them without their request, but 
they meekly received his clemency in place of their 
independence with some exhibitions of pleasure. 

Thus the southern pueblos were visited one after 
the other and reconciled again to the Spanish 
regime, and Otermin undertook the subjugation of 
the northern tribes. He went as far as Cochite, 
where the tribe under Catiti were hostile. They 
grossly deceived the Governor and the priests under 
a pretense of submission and penitence, but only to 
gain time for the gathering of their forces, and 
securing of advantages against the Spaniards. The 



OTEBMIN, CRUZ ATE TO VARGAS. 143 

aspect of these tribes was so serious, that both the 
Governor and the priests were disheartened. The 
Indians would hold no conferences, and remained in 
the mountains, where they had built, during the 
period of their independence in anticipation of the 
return of the Spaniards, many strong refuges and 
pueblos for their defense. 

The council held at Cochite decided, with the 
advice even of Father Ayeta, to return to El Paso. 
The expedition had lost 125 horses and only 136 
were in a condition for service. The people of Isleta 
went with the Spaniards, destroying their pueblo and 
casting their fortunes in Avith them. They num- 
bered 385 of all ages. Their return to their Chris- 
tian religion was thus apparently sincere. 

Otermin showed neither energy, courage or per- 
sistence worthy of such an effort to recover his 
province. He spent only a month in New Mexico, 
meeting but little resistance from a large portion of 
the people. His failure left New Mexico for several 
years in the undisputed possession of the savages. 

The office of governor was taken by Domingo de 
Cruzate, a very able general who held the title until 
1687. Santa Ana was taken by storm in an expe- 
dition made by Pedro Posada, a governor for a short 
time. Cruzate again made an attempt to bring the 
pueblos back to subjection. A few Franciscan friars 
accompanied the last expedition in 1688, but in vain 
did Cruzate carry to them the commands of the 
King, though he took possession of some towns as 
far north as Cia, and held them for a short time. 



PERIOD V. 



SPANISH RULE. 



1602 TO 1S21. 



CHAPTER IX. 

CAMPAIGNS OF VAEGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

IN 1691, Don Diego de Vargas 
Zapata Lujan succeeded Cru- 
zate. He was a man of great 
force of character. He combined 
the endurance, courage, tact and 
persistence of a Spanish warrior 
with religious zeal and entire 
devotion to the powers and dog- 
mas of the Roman Catholic 
Church. He was a conqueror 
first by the victorious faith 
whose banner he was ready to 
defend and carry forward at the point of the sword. 
When all its persuasions failed to subdue the recre- 
ant and apostate natives, he was imrelenting in his 
measures, prompt and energetic in the use of vio- 
lence and the destructive forces of Avar. 

With eighty mounted Spaniards and one hundred 
friendly Indians he made an armed reconnaissance 
from El Paso in the first year of his office. In 
twenty-three days he rode into Santa Fe amid the 

147 




148 V AUG AS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

Tanos, who had built a pueblo around the plaza, 
leaving the old town in ruins. They had antici- 
pated his approach and collected by swift runners 
warriors from the northern pueblos to oppose him. 
Early in the morning of the 13th of September they 
attacked their ancient foes. De Vargas, a brave 
soldier and intrepid leader, inspired his troops in 
front of his men, choosing the most favorable points 
of counter attack to the Indians. Not till the mid- 
dle of the afternoon did they surrender. 

Santa Fe had fallen, without any bloodshed. 
The natives were convinced of their weakness before 
such determined foes. Twelve pueblos in the group 
around Santa Fe offered no further opposition to the 
authority of Spain. Then the priests came forward 
to reconquer them by the Christian religion. Their 
children born since the rebellion were baptized, and 
seven hundred and sixty-nine persons were received 
into the comirmnion of the church. 

De Vargas reported to the Viceroy his success and 
urged upon him to hold this country by colonizing 
it on a larger scale. He asked that garrisons be 
placed at different points, surrounded by at least five 
hundred colonists. 

Meanwhile he subjugated the pueblos of Taos by 
peaceful measures, and there learned that the peo- 
ple of the Moquis towns, of Jemez, Queres and 
Pecos, and a tribe of A^paches were in council and 
preparing to attack the Spaniards in overwhelming 
numbers. De Vargas enlisted the Taos Indians in 
his new perils. They promised to join him in 
eight days at Santa Fe, where he arrived on the 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 140 

12th of October, having subdued in one week, Taos, 
Picuries and San Ildefonzo, three of the largest 
northern pueblos, without the loss of a man. 

The soldiers of De Vargas had little opportunity 
to test their valor in conflict with the warriors of 
New Mexico. The descendants of five great fami- 
lies occupied this extensive country, who were desti- 
tute of all national instincts to unite them in face 
of a common enemy. The pueblo peoples were not 
much inclined to wars. De Vargas was mightier 
among them by the religious symbols on his banner, 
than by the sword. A devotee of his religion, he 
seemed to exult more in the conquests of the Holy 
Faith. But he was worthy of better foes as a 
warrior to test his hardihood and vigor. The natu- 
ral difficulties of the country — the hunger, thirst 
and cold and heat to which his soldiers were 
exposed — imposed greater tests of their endurance 
than these Indians with ineffectual weapons and 
superior numbers. Yet De Vargas was ready for 
the emergencies which their treachery and despera- 
tion would sometimes present. 

From Santa Fe he marched first to Pecos. The 
people of that important pueblo awaited him with 
the cross reinstated in the plaza, arches at the 
entrance of the pueblo, and a chorus chanting a 
hymn of praise of the sacrament of the Host. The 
people submitted in a body in the plaza, receiv- 
ing absolution from their sins, and two hundred 
and forty-eight were baptized. Then a Governor, 
magistrate and war-captain were appointed and 
installed. 



150 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCHSSOHS. 

Thus he went from village to village down the 
Rio Grande, to San Domingo, Cochiti and Cia, their 
people welcoming the Spanish General and bowing 
reverently to the priestly rites of the church. 

At Jemez the people were prepared to resist him. 
Three hundred Indians surrounded the troops as 
they reached the top of the mesa on which the pue- 
blo was situated. They mingled with them, brand- 
ishing their spears and arrows, but committing no 
violence. De Vargas, suspicious of these hostile 
movements, asked the cause of them. The Indians 
perceiving no signs of fear in the soldiers, said it 
was to express their pleasure at their presence, and 
leading the Spaniards to their chiefs and warriors 
held in reserve in the pueblo, they all knelt, chant- 
ing a Christian hymn. Then embracing the General 
they led him into the pueblo. 

The plaza was crowded with Indians, and they 
now began their war-dance. Somewhat alarmed, 
De Vargas ordered them to lay down their arms and 
bring in their women and children. Then holding 
a council with them, he explained their allegiance to 
the King of Spain and their desert of punishment 
for rebellion and apostasy. Commanding them to 
renounce their heathen customs and to receive par- 
don and baptism, Vargas and the priests, still fear- 
ful of treachery, were invited into a room where 
good food was provided for them, but they would 
not remain on the mesa during the night. 

The next day a delegation of Apaches came to 
him saying that they wished to make a treaty and 
live at peace with the Spaniards. De Vargas coldly 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 153 

received them, but promised in a year to return and 
treat with them. 

Seventeen provinces had ah^eady yielded to De 
Vargas. It was a conquest worthy of a Christian 
soldier. None had fallen victims to his sword. It 
had been tempered with mercy. It offered peace 
with submission, nor had it thirsted for blood. One 
thousand, five hundred and seventy captives had 
bowed their knees to receive Christian baptism and 
do honor to the cross in this campaign. 

The Zuni and Moqui towns had not yet sent 
tokens of repentance and loyalty. De Vargas imme- 
diately prepared to conquer and reduce them with 
his force of only eighty-nine soldiers and thirty 
Indian scouts. His men and their horses were, how- 
ever, in the highest degree of efficiency. On the 
30th of October, he set out on the march of three 
hundred miles into a hostile country. Isleta was 
found deserted and in ruins. Acoma and the camp- 
fires of the hostile Queres came next into view, but 
they offered no violence, and after long parleying for 
fear that the Spaniards were, under cover of Chris- 
tianity, seeking to get the natives into their power in 
order to hang and shoot them, they finally yielded 
themselves and their fortress, and were pardoned and 
restored to allegiance without the shedding of blood. 

The Zunians received the General with great cord- 
iality, declaring themselves friends and brothers and 
entertaining the Spaniards with great hospitality. 
De Vargas' peaceful conduct of his compaign had 
been announced before him, and the Indians found 
that nothing was to be gained by resistance. 



154 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

The Navajoes, whose country bordered on that of 
Zuiii, endeavored to arouse the Moquis and the 
Apache tribes against him. The Moquis at first 
fled to the mountains before his approach from Zuili. 
But when they received messages of peace, they 
returned and received him to their towns, at first 
witli war-dances and other tlireatening demonstra- 
tions. De Vargas, with only sixty-three soldiers 
and two priests, preserved a calm exterior, ordered 
the chiefs to dismount, and himself with his soldiers 
on foot, entered the first village bearing the royal 
standard, and an image of the Virgin. He returned 
to camp and for that night and the next day these 
people, among whom had been a stormy war-party, 
demanding that De Vargas should, with his soldiers, 
be put to death, quietly submitted to the King's 
authority and to the rites of the church. The other 
villages in like manner returned to their allegiance 
and to the Christian faith. 

De Vargas now determined to return to El Paso, 
without attempting to subdue the wandering and 
hostile Apaches, by whom he had lost many horses 
stolen from his troops, and several times had been 
attacked. He was guided by three Indians to the 
Rio Grande near Socorro, whence he arrived at El 
Paso on the 20th of December. He had in four 
months reconquered twenty provinces, and rescued 
seventy-four Spanish women and children who had 
been in captivity for twelve years since the rebellion. 
He had demonstrated the availability of kindness in 
treating the Indians according to the principles of 
the Christian religion. With but little bloodshed he 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 155 

restored these provinces to the royal domain, from 
which they had separated with the rage and ferocity 
of savage warfare. He also brought back to a super- 
ficial confession of Christian piety, 2214 Indians who 
had turned back to the idolatrous worship of their 
ancestors. 

The subsequent conduct of many of these tribes 
showed their insincerity and deep-seated hatred of 
the Spaniards, to whose military force they submit- 
ted, since its stay in their country was for a few days. 
But when it departed they prepared anew to offer a 
stubborn resistance to the return of colonists who 
should take possession of their country and homes. 

The success of De Vargas increased the desire of 
the Viceroy to hold the country by permanent settle- 
ments. Funds were provided by the royal Junta 
of Mexico for the necessary expenses to equip a 
colony and provide for the long journey. Vargas 
received $42,461.12, at different times, for the 
recruiting and support of colonists in the presidio 
of Santa Fe. 

Fifteen hundred persons joined the expedition, 
and there were three thousand horses and mules. 
Each family received from ten to forty dollars for 
the purchase of supplies. The colony with its mili- 
tary guard left El Paso Oct. 11, 1693, ascending the 
valley of the Rio Grande. Their sufferings soon 
became great from the insufficiency of food. There 
had been a failure of crops in the country and the 
Indians were very destitute of food. They had 
gathered in a great council at Santa Fe, formed 
an alliance and determined to resist the settlement 



15G VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

of the country. Their plan was to deceive De Var- 
gas with fair promises at first, and the appearance 
of submission; then to steal or destroy their horses 
one by one, till they should be compelled to fight on 
foot, and be overwhelmed by superior numbers, in 
canons and ambuscades on their marches. 

This course was pursued in the lower pueblos, 
where with more or less sincerity the people received 
the 'Spaniards. De Vargas marched with great cau- 
tion to Santa Fe. He received large gifts of provi- 
sions on the way from the Queres and even from the 
Tanos pueblos, and was received with apparent cor- 
diality in Santa Fe, which he entered on the 16th 
of November, with an imposing array of banners, 
armor, horses and trumpets. 

Santa Fe was at this time a fortified pueblo with 
only one entrance. There was "a round-house for 
the defense of the redoubt with trenches in the form 
of a half moon; on the south side there were two 
round-houses and also two on the north side, and 
three estufas in the enclosure. There were plazas, 
and their dwellings three stories high and many 
four stories." It furnished lodgings to fifteen hun- 
dred persons, with other and separate apartments for 
the priests. Six months after, Mexican families to 
the number of three hundred persons joined them, 
and were also provided with lodgings. "There were 
no doors or windows in the outer walls of the houses, 
and the only entrance was secured in a military 
form. The place was surrounded by trenches and 
our people were secure." * 

* Certified Report of De Vargas. 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 157 

The occupation of the buildings by the soldiers 
and emigrants was a grievous offense to the Tanos. 
The weather was very cold and the Spaniards were 
famishing. De Vargas called upon the Indians for 
one hundred bags of corn, which were supplied with- 
out complaint, but a second request for two hundred 
was refused. The consjDiracy long cherished now 
broke forth. The Spaniards were encamped near 
the present Rosario chapel. Daylight one morning 
in December, revealed the Indians in large num- 
bers shouting defiantly at the Spaniards, who were 
approaching to assault them. Vargas at first tried 
his powers of persuasion, with which he had so 
often overcome these pueblo Indians. They were 
requested to lay down their arms, but refused. 
They however consented to hold a council, hoping 
meanwhile for reinforcements from the Apaches and 
other pueblos. Vargas allowed them until afternoon 
to surrender, and withheld his troops, but sent for 
the aid of the Pecos Indians to recapture the town. 

The attack was not made until the next morning, 
when the Indians, beholding the troops standing in 
line and receiving absolution, opened the fight from 
the intrenchments, hurling arrows and stones in 
desperate defense of their homes. The Spaniards 
advanced with the old war-cry, Santiago. They 
assaulted the single entrance to the pueblo, near the 
present military head-quarters, but unable to break 
it down, built a fire against it, and the troops thus 
forced their way into the principal estufa. 

The plaza was still defended by the high solid 
walls of the pueblo, which it was necessary to scale 



158 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCIJSSOES. 

and take at every hazard, since the reinforcements 
of the Indians were now in sight. Beams and hast- 
ily-constructed scaling ladders were now placed 
against the walls, but their defenders, encouraged by 
the approach of their countrymen, hurled stones, 
arrows, and hot water with such energy that the 
Spaniards were forced back and defeated in their 
effort to undermine and carry the walls. 

Vargas now drew up his troops so as to pre- 
vent the reinforcements from reaching the garrison. 
They were mounted and sent in five squadrons to 
disperse them before they entered Santa Fe. At 
the first charge five warriors fell, but the Indians 
were only scattered for a time. As they approached 
the town again, they were dispersed with the loss of 
four warriors. Night was near and the fighting 
ceased on both sides, without any decisive result. 
But the Tanos chief was killed and they were 
much discouraged. 

The next morning, therefore, they permitted Var- 
gas to march in triumph into the plaza. Planting 
his standard in the midst of the plaza, and a cross 
over the entrance to the pueblo, which had been car- 
ried there the day before, he again took possession 
of Santa Fe in the name of the King. The town 
was now searched and the severities of war against 
rebels were inflicted upon the defenceless inhabitants. 
Many wounded Indians were found hidden in the 
estufas. Others were taken prisoners. Seventy of 
these were piously absolved by the priests and exe- 
cuted by orders of Roque Madrid, adjutant to Var- 
gas. Ninety others had been killed in the capture 



VARGAS AND BIS SUCCESSORS 161 

of the city. The women and children were reduced 
to slavery. Four hundred were assigned to the 
Mexican families among the colonists. About three 
thousand bushels of corn, besides beans, wheat and 
other provisions were seized, and divided among the 
soldiers and colonists. The Indian Governor of 
Santa Fe was found already hung before the Span- 
iards entered the towm. 

A wooden cross was no longer the conquering 
weapon of De Vargas. He had now changed his 
character as a warrior. Hostilities with all the 
Indians of New Mexico began again with the fall of 
Santa Fe. They were always ready to attack the 
Spaniards whenever they left the walls of the town. 
In a country populous with enemies the operations 
of the colonists could not be carried on in safety. 
Fields could not be cultivated nor towns established. 
The captured supplies were soon exhausted. The 
guns of the Spaniards were disabled in the conflict at 
Santa Fe. Their ammunition was nearly expended 
and the Indians became bolder in their attacks, 
though the Apaches, whenever captured were imme- 
diately executed after being absolved by the priests. 

Vargas, alarmed at the situation, sent a detach- 
ment of troops to Durango in Mexico for ammuni- 
tion. Meanwhile he met many attacks of the 
Indians, who captured the animals of the Spaniards 
and harassed them in their foraging expeditions. 

In March, 1694, with only twenty soldiers, he set 
out to subdue the northern pueblos. He found tlie 
hostile Indians securely entrenched on the Mesacita 
of San Ildefonzo. This was a favorite resort of the 



162 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

northern tribes. It rises cabruptly from the banks of 
the Rio Grande, a steep black rock with walls of lava 
and tufa, and with difficulty ascended by any one. 
On its top, which contains about one hundred acres, 
in a basin surrounded by rugged masses of rock, 
in which are natural reservoirs several thousand 
Indians covdd be comfortably and securely sheltered. 

A snow storm raged for three days after Vargas 
started from Santa Fe. He therefore reconnoitered 
the enemy's position and retired to the pueblo of 
San Ildefonzo after capturing seventy horses. The 
next day he attempted to take by assault the strong- 
hold, but could only carry the small hill at the base 
of the rock. 

The Spaniards again attempted to climb the steep 
sides over the broken lava, but v>'ere repelled and de- 
rided by the confident Indians. De Vargas' troops, 
who had been reinforced from Santa Fe, w^ere 
still greatly weakened and reduced, and he had but 
about fifty effective men. He devised a way to 
take the stronghold by cutting ott" the Indians from 
their water supph\ This, too, was ineffectual. The 
Indians came to the brow of the precipice and in 
derision poured water from vessels upon their hands 
and faces. They had a secret pathway to the Rio 
Grande. 

By the 19th of March the patience of the General 
was exhausted, and he left the Indians, five hundred 
in number, secure upon the rock, and returned to 
Sante Fe, after capturing one hundred and fourteen 
horses and mules and killing thirty or forty Indians. 
His defeat was humiliating and unfortunate, for it 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 163 

restored confidence to the tribes north and south 
which had banded together to overcome the Span- 
ish arms. Swift runners carried the news to the 
western tribes. Cia and Santa Ana, friendly to Var- 
gas, entreated his protection from threatened attack, 
but he could not give it without imperilling the 
safety of Santa Fe. 

A third time he besieged and attacked the mesa 
of San Ildefonzo, distributing his troops into three 
divisions and assaulting the rock on three sides. 
The Indians attempted to take the fields below 
the mesa, but were driven back to their strong- 
hold. They finally surrendered and returned to their 
villages. 

The colonists receiving assignments of land 
around Santa Fe, were encouraged to sow the 
ground, and De Vargas with troops then went south 
to pacify the Queres pueblos. 

The increase of the Spanish colony w^as surely 
forcing the natives to peace and submission. There 
were enough restless people in the northern prov- 
inces of Mexico to keep open the trails into New 
Mexico. Usually the colonists w^ere of the poorer 
classes, and the soldiers of the Spanish families, 
whose purses were not equal to their pride, and 
whose vanity was not content with the poor returns 
of idle lives w^ithout adventure. Loyalty to the 
church and King, whose realms could thus be 
extended, was a motive to emigration in some few 
instances where priestly influence prevailed. They 
usually arrived in Santa Fe, the acknowledged capi- 
tal, greatly impoverished, worn out and sick from 



164 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

the hardships and sufferings of a journey of one 
thousand miles overland, through hostile tribes and 
often barren regions. 

The successes of De Vargas and assistance offered 
by the Vicero}^ stimulated emigration. Large tracts 
of land, long cultivated by the Indians and often 
under irrigating ditches, were distributed as the 
fruits of conquest. The interruptions of their simple 
occupations, the culture of corn and vegetables, and 
the tending of sheep, caused the pueblos to decrease 
in numbers. The contact of a stronger race with a 
weaker one was fatal ; but the Spaniards were infe- 
rior as colonists to the industrious peoples of North- 
ern Europe, settling on the Atlantic shores. 

The summer of 1694 opened with Apache disturb- 
ances. The planting season was over and the 
Indians renewed their raids; De Vargas went 
against the Teguas and again reached the pueblos 
of Taos, which were deserted. There he followed 
the inhabitants to their mountain refuges, and 
ordered them to return. They refused, and their- 
villages, in which were great quantities of provi- 
sions, were given up to plunder. De Vargas 
returned through the Ute country, where he had 
some slight conflicts with these Indians, who were 
generally on friendly terms with the Spaniards. 
They were soon pacified, and gave renewed pledges 
of friendship. Then following the Chama river to 
the site of San Gabriel, the soldiers directed their 
course down the Rio Grande to the pueblo of San 
Juan, where the General encamped. Thence, with 
part of his troops, he marched by way of San 



VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 165 

Ildefonzo, where he was again challenged by the 
Teguas to fight on their old battle-ground. De Var- 
gas declined, and pushed on to Santa Fe. 

The refractory inhabitants of Jemez now demand- 
ed his attention ; they had frequently attacked the 
pueblos of Cia and Santa Ana and San Felipe on 
account of their loyalty to the Spaniards. These 
towns sent a strong body of ^varriors to join De 
Vargas as he crossed the Rio Grande; but the people 
of Jemez had fled to the mountain and had partially 
erected there a new town. In two columns, De 
Vargas advanced upon this position at sunrise, hav- 
ing dismounted his men. From the top of the hill 
by which the mesa was approached, the Indians for 
a while, hurling arrows and heavy stones, made a 
spirited defense. The Spanish forces gained posses- 
sion of the hill and assailed the Indians in their 
houses. These were soon set on fire and their 
defenders, attempting to escape, hurled themselves 
in desperation over the steep sides of the mesa. 
There was great loss of life. Eighty-two were 
killed, and three hundred and seventy women and 
children were taken prisoners. A great quantity of 
corn was captured and nearly two hundred sheep. 
Seven hundred and fifty bushels of shelled corn 
were supplied to the capital from these expeditions. 
The Jemez Indians sued for peace, and made a 
treaty which they kept till 1696. 

The devout General remembered the tragic death 
in 1680, at Jemez, of Friar Juan de Jesus. An old 
Indian and his wife, who had also preserved the tra- 
dition, declared that they could find his body iu the 



1G6 VARGAS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

old pueblo, and led him to the vichiity of an old 
estufa where were the bones of the martyr with a 
portion of his clothing and of an arrow sticking in 
the spine., With much solemnity they were trans- 
ferred to Santa Fe and buried in the parish church. 

In 1696, a famine which desolated the colony of 
New Mexico, broke out, while De Vargas remained 
Governor at Santa Fe. The distressed people were 
in a starving condition. Every species of animals 
and herbs were used for food, and the people went 
out upon the mountains searching for them like 
wild beasts. 

It was the last opportunity of the Indians. In 
June, 1696, they arose in another rebellion in Avhich 
fourteen pueblos joined. Thirty-four Spaniards were 
massacred. Five priests were slain, their churches 
burnt, and their religious symbols desecrated. But 
this rebellion was quelled, aided as the Spaniards 
were by the general destitution in the country. 
Many Indians perished in the mountains, and many 
others permanently deserted their pueblos and united 
with the Apache tribes. De Vargas lost his office 
soon after, and Avas succeeded by Pedro Rodriguez 
Cubero in 1697, as Governor. De Vargas was put in 
prison on accusation of large robberies of public 
projDerty, but he was acquitted from these charges 
in Mexico, and returned in 1703, re-established in 
office. 

Meanwhile the colony had regained prosperity 
while the pueblo peoples had been reduced during 
their state of independenee. There were scarcely 
ten thousand left. 



CHAPTER X. 



A CENTURY UNDEE SPAIN 1700 TO 1800. 




BUT a century of unprogress- 
ive life followed, such as 
is frequently discovered in 
the history of Spanish col- 
onies. There was a monoto- 
nous succession of Governors. 
There Avere political jealous- 
ies and legal quarrels. The 
,iy^ missions languished. They 
*^- -—• -->■"* had failed to touch the in- 
dividual life of the natives and raise them to 
civilization. A religion of forms scarcely stirred 
their sentiment. It did not excite ambition, intel- 
lectual powers, or energy in the races it should 
have brought in two centuries to a high condition 
of life. Idolatrous worship was not abandoned, 
bat concealed. There were four centers of trade 
in 1780 with Chihuahua and Mexico. These were 
the towns of Santa Fe, Albuquerque, La Canada 
and El Paso. Each had a population of about 
two thousand. The Apaches, Comanches and Nava- 

167 



168 A CENTURY UNDER SPAIN. 

joes were incessantly at war throughout the terri- 
tory, and the Spanish colonists were often involved 
in conflicts with them. 

We do not dwell upon the official periods of thirty 
Governors under the power of Spain and the short- 
lived empire of Iturbide till the beginning of the 
Mexican Confederation in 1821. There was but a 
succession of ordinary events in a frontier province 
during a century of slow development. 

The northern provinces of Mexico in the seven- 
teenth century are stated by Humboldt to have been 
very thinly inhabited. The natives withdrew as the 
conquering Spaniards advanced toward the north. 
The people of New Mexico were in continual war- 
fare with the Indians in the eighteenth century, and 
were in a similar condition to the inhabitants of 
Europe in the middle ages. They did not lack 
energy of character. They dwelt in towns rather 
than in the country, on account of greater security, 
and by the superiority of their enterprize and war- 
like traits as well as by the power of the religious 
teaching of the devoted Franciscan priests and 
monks, maintained a supremacy. 

Humboldt gives the population of New Mexico in 
1803, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
as 40,200. The province of New Mexico contained 
at that time 5,709 square leagues, making an 
average of only seven inhabitants to a square 
league. 

There were three villas or towns in this prov- 
ince — Santa Fe, Santa Cruz de la Canada or Taos, 
and Albuquerque. 



A CENTURY UNDER SPAIN. 169 

There were three parishes, nineteen missions of 
the Franciscans and twenty-six pueblos or Indian 
villages, with a population of 29,153. 

Santa Fe had a population of 3600 at the time 
Humboldt wrote, in 1808, based on the enumeration 
made in 1793 of the entire extent of Mexico by the 
Spanish Government. 

Albuquerque or Alemada was estimated at 6000, 
and Santa Cruz de la Canada or Taos, was esti- 
mated at 8900, of which a large portion were 
Pueblo Indians, dwelling in the vicinity of these 
towns. 

Paso del Norte was one of the most important 
and attractive settlements in this province. All 
travelers stopped at this point to lay in provisions 
on their journey to Santa Fe, the seat of govern- 
ment and chief destination of all incomers to the 
province. The route along the broad valley of the 
Kio Grande to the capital was an easy one, even for 
carriages, and the scenery was described as remark- 
able for its mountainous features and groves of 
cotton-wood, mesquite and fresh poplars along the 
fertile banks of this river, which assumed great 
size and volume when filled with the melting snows 
of the Rocky mountains. 

With the experience of a world-wide traveler 
Humboldt thus describes El Paso at the beo^inninui: 
of the nineteenth century: "The environs of El 
Paso are delicious, and resemble the finest parts of 
Andalusia. The fields are cultivated with maize 
and wheat, and the vineyards produce such excellent 
sweet wines that they are even preferred to the wines 



170 A CENTURY UNDER SPAIN. 

of Parras in New Biscay.* The gardens contain in 
abundance all the fruits of Europe — figs, peaches, 
apples and pears. As the country is very dry, a 
canal of irrigation brings the water of the Rio del 
Norte to the Paso. It is with difficulty that the 
inhabitants of the presidio can keep up the dam, 
which forces the waters of the rivers when they are 
very low, to enter the canal." 

* Grapes were introduced into New Mexico by the Franciscan friars as 
early as 1630. The first vineyard was planted in Senecu, eighteen miles 
below Socorro, founded and inhabited by the Piros Indians in 1626, who 
abandoned it in 1675. 



PERIOD VI. 



NEW MEXICO UNDER THE MEX- 
ICAN CONFEDERATION. 



1821 TO 1846. 



CHAPTER XL 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS OF NEW MEXICO. 




HE ancient homes of 
the people of New 
Mexico are called by 
a name common to 
the buildings and 
the people who in- 
habited them. Pue- 
blo is the Spanish 
word for village, 
and was properly 
applied to ruins and to the existing dwellings of the 
sedentary tribes of the south-western country. Their 
ruins are especially noticeable in the valleys of the Rio 
Grande, Chaco, San Juan, and other northern rivers. 
They are equally remarkable on the Los Animas 
and Gila rivers and in many parts of southern New 
Mexico and Arizona. The larger dwellings were 
erected on the lofty table-lands above the canons 
and valleys, where the smaller villages, composed of 
detached houses, are found. These castle-like pue- 
blos were probably of later construction, the type 

173 



174 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

growing out of the necessities of defense. They 
were large communal houses of great extent and 
height. They are classified by Prof. A. de F. 
Bandelier, who has given them a very extensive 
personal exploration. He describes them as they are 
found in — '' [a) groups of two or three constituting 
a village, (h) or in one polygonal pueblo of many 
stories, (c) or of large scattered houses disposed in 
an irregular manner — sometimes eighteen of these 
edifices making one village, [d) artificial caves, like 
the many-storied pueblo building, (e) or many sto- 
ried dwellings with artificial walls erected in great 
natural caves." 

There were many cells or small rooms in all these 
edifices. Their masonry varied greatly in material 
of lime or sand-stone, or lava rock, or adobe, and in 
the care in which the walls were built; and there 
was the greatest variety of material in houses erect- 
ed in close proximity. Estufas were common to all 
these communities or villages, and watch-towers for 
guarding crops or military defense were frequent, 
and also large and small mounds within the court- 
yards or just outside the walls. 

These ancient houses were sometimes built of 
cobble-stones, but usually of rectangular sand-stones, 
about two feet long, six or eight inches wide and 
three inches thick, laid in native cement, or in mud. 
The faces of the walls were often smooth and the 
stones carefully matched; but if built of tufa rock 
or cobble-stones, they were more roughly constructed. 
The walls of buildings from two to five or six 
stories high, were three to five feet thick. The 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 175 

great spaces enclosed were, in the lower stories, 
divided into small rooms, usually opening upon the 
courts and seldom communicating with each other. 
There were no underground chambers in these build- 
ings, and but slight depth to their foundations. The 
rooms were low, and had no doors nor windows; the 
small doorways and holes admitted light and air. 
The walls were plastered with gypsum, and painted 
with red and yellow ochre. The successive stories 
of the buildings were approached by ladders. As 
they receded from within, outward, they made an 
unbroken wall on the outside for fortification, and 
portals on the inside, where the people were usually 
engaged in their various occupations. These great 
buildings, from their lofty sites, commanded mag- 
nificent views of the surrounding caiions and moun- 
tains, and the parks which stretched below them. 
They were reached by steps worn into the face of 
the perpendicular sides of the mesas, ascending on 
the side of the wall along the crevices in the rocks. 
On the grassy surfaces of the mesas, around them, 
embracing often hundreds of acres, reservoirs of 
stone are still visible, where they collected water 
from the melting snows or copious rains of summer. 
Innumerable fragments of pottery are scattered over 
the sides of the cliff, the relics of the utensils of the 
people washed by the floods over these steep ledges. 
And the industrial products of stone are in all these 
ruins, throughout New Mexico, found to be of the 
same materials, though they must have been brought 
from very distant localities. These are lava metates, 
crushers, mauls and hammers- basalt or diorite axes. 



176 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

hatchets and smoothmg-stones ; obsidian knives; 
flint, quart-site, agate and jasper arrow-heads; knives 
and crushers, and similar implements for their sim- 
ple arts. 

The capacity of these communal houses for habit- 
ation was sufficient, in some instances, for fifteen 
hundred people, but generally about one-third of 
this number could have found accommodation in 
them. Hungo Pavie, one of the smallest of the 
ancient pueblos of this class, whose ruins are seen 
in the Chaco caiion, was three hundred feet long, 
one hundred and forty-four feet wide, and three sto- 
ries high, with walls built in terraced form of sand- 
stone laid with adobe mortar. It had one hundred 
and forty-six apartments, and they would have shel- 
tered, in their simple life, at least five hundred 
people. Pueblo Chapillo, about thirty miles from 
Santa Fe, above one of the canons of the Upper Rio 
Grande, measures about three hundred and twenty 
feet long by three hundred feet wide. Its walls 
standing two or three feet high, show the division 
and size of the rooms, which were about ten feet 
by eight — but its height cannot be known. In the 
same vicinity are two pueblos much larger on the 
ground plan, Questa Cita Blanca and Pajarito, sit- 
uated within a few miles from each other, so that, 
from each, friendly aid could be rendered in cases of 
attack. These were probably sufficiently large for a 
thousand persons, if they were of the usual height. 

In 1874 an interesting pueblo and burial mound 
was discovered in the valley of the Rio Chama, near 
Abiquiu, on a mesa one hundred feet above the river. 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 177 

The town was built in the form of a double L, with 
a continuous double wall of lava probably two stories 
high and divided up into rooms ten feet square. 
The estufa was formed by digging into the ground 
a circular pit from ten to twenty feet in depth. 
This was crowned by a wall two or three feet high 
built around the rim of the excavation, upon which 
are laid beams which are covered with brush and 
mud for a roof. The burial place was within thirty 
feet of the pueblo. The skeletons were found six or 
eight feet below the surface of the ground, buried 
face downward, the head pointing to the south. 
Two feet above one of these were two smooth, black 
"ollas," or vases, containing charcoal, parched corn, 
and the bones of small animals and fowls, the pos- 
sible remains of a funeral feast. There were no 
signs of clothing, ornaments or weapons. This skel- 
eton was entirely preserved and sent to the Army 
Medical Museum in Washington. 

There is not a finer structure of this class of 
ancient buildings in New Mexico than tlie pueblo 
Pintado in the Chaco cailon, where, in the rainy sea- 
son, is a stream tributary to the San Juan river. 
The southern and western walls are standing, indi- 
cating at least four stories. On the lower story one 
hundred and three rooms are plainly visible. Three 
towers are built on the other walls so as to defend 
the ground between the pueblo and the stream. 
The materials were wholly of stone and wood, with 
no part of metal. Then plates of sandstone with 
edges dressed by the hammer, were laid in coarse 
mortar filling every chink, with regular layers at 



178 ANCIENT DWELLI^G^. 

intervals of fifteen or eighteen inches, of tliicker 
stones, to strengthen the masonry, which was 
smooth and in perfect phnnb. At each story the 
thickness of the wall decreased by the width of a 
slight beam for the girders of the floor, the larger 
beams of which were set into the wall. The rooms 
were lightened only by occasional port-holes in the 
upper stories, and by doors leading from the rooms. 

Lieutenant SimiDson, of the U. S. Army, in 1850 
thus describes this remarkable edifice : 

"We found the ruins of Pueblo Pintado to more 
than answer our expectations. Forming one struc- 
ture and built of tabular pieces of hard, fine-grained, 
compact, gray sandstone (a material entirely un- 
known in the present architecture of New Mexico), 
to which the atmosphere has imparted a reddish 
tinge, the layers or beds being not thicker than three 
inches, and sometimes as thin as one-fourth of an 
inch, it discovers in the masonry a combination of 
science and art which can only be referred to a 
higher stage of civilization and refinement than is 
discoverable in the works of Mexicans or Pueblos of 
the present day. Indeed, so beautifully diminutive 
and true are the details of the structure as to cause 
it, at a little distance, to have all the appearance 
of a magnificent piece of Mosaic work. 

"In the outer face of the buildings there are no 
signs of mortar, the intervals between the beds being 
chinked with stones of the minutest thinness. The 
filling and backing are done in rubble masonry, the 
mortar presenting no indications of the presence of 
lime. The thickness of the main wall at its base 







-^W I 









L 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 181 

is within an inch or two of three feet; higher up it 
is less, diminishing every story by retreating jogs 
on the inside, from the bottom to the top. Its 
elevation at its present highest point, is between 
twenty-five and thirty feet, the series of floor beams 
indicating that there must have been originally at 
least three stories. The ground plan, including the 
court, is about 403 feet. On the ground floor, exclu- 
sive of the outbuildings, are fifty-four apartments, 
some of them as small as five feet square, and the 
largest about twelve by six feet. These rooms com- 
municate with each other by very small doors, some 
of them as contracted as two and a half by two and 
a half feet ; and in the case of the inner suite, the 
doors communicating with the interior court are as 
small as three and a half by two feet. The princi- 
pal rooms, or those most in use, were, on account of 
their having larger doors and windows, most prob- 
ably those of the second story. The system of floor- 
ing seems to have been large unhewn beams, six 
inches in diameter, laid transversely from wall to 
wall, and then a number of smaller ones, about 
three inches in diameter, laid across them. What 
was placed on these does not appear, but most prob- 
ably it was brush, bark or slabs, covered with a 
layer of mud mortar. The beams show no signs 
of the saw or ax; on the contrary, they appear to 
have been hacked off by means of some very imper- 
fect instrument. On the west face of the structure, 
the 'windows, which are only in the second story, are 
three feet two inches, by two feet two inches. On 
the north side they are only in the second and third 



182 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

stories, and are as small as fourteen by fourteen 
inches. At different points about the premises were 
three circular apartments sunk in the ground, the 
walls being of masonry. These apartments the Pue- 
blo Indians call estufas, or places where the people 
held their political and religious meetings. 

"The site of the ruins is a knoll some twenty or 
thirty feet above the surrounding plain; the Rio 
Chaco coursing by it, 200 or 300 yards distant,, 
and no wood visible within the circuit of a mile. 

" The quarry from which the material was obtained 
to build the structure seems to have been just back 
of our camp. 

" We came to another old ruin thirteen miles from 
our last camp, called Weje-gi, built like pueblo Pin- 
tado, of very thin, tabular pieces of compact sand- 
stone. The circuit of the structure, including the 
court, was near 700 feet. The number of apart- 
ments on the ground floor was j^robably ninety-nine. 
The highest present elevation of the exterior wall is 
about twenty-four feet." 

Lieutenant Simpson says of the pueblo Bonito : 

"The circuit of its walls is about 1300 feet. Its 
present elevation shows that it had at least four 
stories of apartments. The number of rooms on the 
ground floor at present discernible is 139. The 
apartments in the east portion of the pueblo, not 
included in this enumeration, would probably swell 
the number to 200." He estimates that the four 
stories of rooms, with retreating terraces, had as 
many as 641 rooms. "The number of estufas is 
four; the largest being sixty feet in diameter, show- 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 183 

ing two stories in height and having a present depth 
of twelve feet. All these estafas are cylindrical in 
shape, and nicely walled up with thin, tabular stone. 
Among the ruins are several rooms in a very good 
state of preservation." 

The following description, by the U. S. Assistant- 
Surgeon, J. F. Hammond, on the same expedition 
with Lieutenant Simpson, of a room in the ruins of 
the pueblo Bonito, in the Chaco cailon, remarkably 
indicates the advance in masonry and architecture 
of the unknown builders: 

"It was in the second of three ranges of rooms, 
on the north side of the ruins. The door opened at 
the base of the wall, toward the interior of the 
building; it had never been more than two feet and 
a half high, and was filled two-thirds with rubbish. 
The lintels were of natural sticks of wood, one and 
a half to two inches in diameter, deprived of the 
bark, and placed at distances of two or three inches 
apart; yet their ends were attached to each other by 
withes of oak, with its bark well preserved. The 
room was in the form of a parallelogram, about 
twelve feet in length, eight feet wide, and the walls 
as they stood at the time of observation, seven feet 
high. The floor was of earth and the surface irreg- 
ular. The walls were about two feet thick, and 
plastered within with a layer of red mud one-fourth 
of an inch thick. The latter having fallen off in 
places, showed the material of the wall to be sand- 
stone. The stone was ground into pieces the size of 
our ordinary bricks, the angles not as perfectly 
formed, though nearly so, and put up in break- 



184 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

joints, having intervals between them, on every 
side, of about two inches. The intervals were filled 
with laminae of a dense sandstone, about three lines 
in thickness, driven firmly in, and broken o^ even 
with the general plane of the wall, the whole resem- 
bling mosaic work. Niches, varying in size from 
two inches to two and a half feet square, and two 
inches to one and a half feet in horizontal depth, 
were scattered irregularly over the walls, at various 
heights above the floor. Near the place of the ceil- 
ing, the walls were penetrated, and the surfaces of 
them were perpendicular to the length of the beam. 
They had the appearance of having been sawed off 
originally, except that there were no marks of the 
saw left on them; time had slightly disintegrated 
the surfaces, rovmding the edges somewhat here and 
there. Supporting the floor above were six cylindri- 
cal beams, about seven inches in diameter, passing 
transversely of the room, and at distances of less 
than two feet apart, the branches of the trees hav- 
ing been hewn off by means of a blunt-edged 
instrument. Above and resting on these, running 
longitudinally with the room, were poles of various 
lengths, about two inches in diameter, irregularly 
straight, placed in contact with each other, covering 
all the top of the room, bound together at irregular 
and various distances, generally at their ends, by 
slips apparently of palm leaf or marquey, and the 
same material converted into cords about one-fourth 
of an inch in diameter, formed of two strands hung 
from the poles at several points. Above and rest- 
ing upon the poles, closing all above, passing trans- 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 185 

versely of the room, were planks about seven inches 
wide and three-fourths of an inch in thickness. 
The width of the plank was uniform, and so was 
the thickness. They were in contact, or nearly so, 
admitting but little more than the passage of a 
knife blade between them, by the edges, through the 
whole of their lengths. They were not jointed; all 
their surfaces were level and as smooth as if planed, 
excepting the ends ; the angles as regular and per- 
fect as coidd be retained by such vegetable matter; 
they are probably of pine or cedar, exposed to the 
atmosphere for as long a time as it is probable these 
have been. The ends of the plank, several of which 
were in view, terminated in line perpendicular to the 
length of the plank, and the plank seems to have 
been severed by a blunt instrument. The planks — 
I examined them minutely by the eye and touch, for 
the marks of the saw and other instruments — were 
smooth and colored brown by time or by smoke. 
Beyond the plank nothing was distinguishable from 
within. The room was redolent with the perfume 
of cedar. Externally upon the top, was a heap of 
stone and mud, ruins that have fallen from above, 
unmovable by the instruments we had along. 

"The beams were probably severed by contusions 
from a dull instrument, and their surfaces ground 
plain and smooth by a slab of rock; and the plank 
split or hewn from the trees, were no doubt rendered 
smooth by the same means." 

The pottery of the New Mexico pueblo ruins has 
been carefully examined and described by Prof. F. 
W. Putnam, of Harvard College. In the volume on 



186 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

the United States Explorations under Lieutenant 
Wheeler, already mentioned and quoted from, he 
makes these general remarks upon it : 

"A comparison of this ancient pottery with that 
made by the present inhabitants of the pueblos 
shows that a great deterioration has taken place 
in native American art, a rule which I think can 
be applied to all the more advanced tribes of Amer- 
ica. The remarkable hardness of all the fragments 
of colored pottery which have been obtained from 
the vicinity of the old ruins in New Mexico, Colo- 
rado, Arizona and Utah, and also of the pottery of 
the same character found in the ruins of the adobe 
houses and in caves in Utah, shows that the ancient 
people understood the art of baking earthen ware 
far better than their probable descendants now liv- 
ing in the pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. 
The gray clay seems to contain a large amount of 
silicious material, which, on being subjected to a 
great heat, becomes slightly vitrified. The vessels 
made of the gray colored clay have apparently 
received a thin wash of the same, upon which the 
black ornamentation was put, before baking. The 
intense heat to which the vessels were afterward 
subjected has vitrified this thin layer of clay, which 
now appears like a thin glaze. The polish is prob- 
ably due to smoothing the surface with a stone 
before the thin wash was applied, as is now done 
by several tribes in the United States and Mexico. 
The black substance, uniting with the clay-wash, 
was burnt in and became a fast color. The red color 
was produced by the addition of a large proportion 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 187 

of red ochre, or oxide of iron, with the gray clay, 
and thus, according to the greater or less amount of 
iron used, the clay is more or less red throughout. 
To some vessels a thin wash of clay, containing a 
large proportion of the ochre, was applied before 
baking, which resulted in a deep red color, and in 
these the black ornamental lines were burnt in with 
the ochre-clay wash. The same method is probably 
followed by the present pueblo tribes, but as their 
pottery is not so well baked the colors are not as 
permanent, and the vessels made are generally far 
inferior in construction, as they are thicker and 
more porous than the ancient specimens. 

"Among the many fragments of ancient pottery 
that I have examined, from the region named above, 
I have not seen a piece in which more than a single 
color was employed in its ornamentation. With 
very few exceptions, in which the ornamental lines 
are of a brownish color with a metallic lustre, the 
pattern consists of black lines and figures on either 
the red or the gray ground-color. In the modern 
vessels, from the pueblos on the Rio Grande, the 
prevailing colors are white and black over a red 
clay. In some, however, the black figures are 
painted directly upon the red or primary color of 
the vessel. 

"It is a little remarkable that, both among the 
ancient and present Pueblo tribes, the ornamenta- 
tion on the vessels of clay should be so confined to 
figures expressed in color. I do not remember hav- 
ing seen a specimen of this class of smooth red or 
gray pottery, on which incised work appears, and I 



188 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

may further remark, that, so far as my examination 
has extended, I have seen, on pottery of this charac- 
ter, only expressions of geometrical figures. On the 
recent pueblo pottery, there is, now and then, an 
attempt to represent natural forms, such as leaves, 
birds and deer; but this realistic ornamentation is 
poorly executed, so far as I can judge from the lim- 
ited material at my command. It is also worthy of 
remark, that while the present pueblo tribes, partic- 
ularly the Zuili, often model vessels and other 
objects in clay, to represent men, birds and other 
natural forms, so far as my knowledge extends, only 
a single fragment of such a form has been found 
under circumstances indicating antiquity." 

"Among the ruins of the Gallinas the pottery was 
usually of a bluish ash color, but is occasionally 
black, brown and, more rarely, red. It is never 
glazed, but the more common kind is nicely smoothed 
so as to reflect a little light. This pottery is orna- 
mented with figures in black paint, which are in lines 
at right angles, or enclosing triangular or square 
spaces; sometimes colored and uncolored angular 
areas form a checker-board pattern. The coarser 
kinds exhibit sculpture of the clay instead of paint- 
ing. The surface is thrown into lines of alternating 
projections and pits by the use of an obtuse stick, or 
the finger nail; or it is thrown into intricate layers 
by cutting obliquely with a sharp flint knife. Thus 
the patterns of the ornamentations were varied to 
suit the tastes of the manufacturers, although the 
facilities at their disposal were few." 

The indubitable evidences of the stone age in the 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 191 

original inhabitants of the ruined pueblos and cave 
dwellings already described, are confirmed by the 
great numbers of weapons and utensils that are 
found in and around these dwellings. They consist 
of knives and spear heads of jasper, flint, quartz, 
(obsidian and chalcedony. Some of these are of 
the most beautiful minerals. The stone hatchets 
are made of the highly-polished stones of the same 
varieties, with perfect grooves for the withes with 
which they were bound to their handles, and of 
the most varied colors. There are hammers of 
jasper, actinolite and lava, polishing stones for the 
manufacture of pottery, mortars of sandstone, me- 
tatas of every variety of coarse or smooth surfaces 
for the preparation of flour, meal and paints; well- 
worn mano stones with which the grinding was 
done in these stone hand-mills, weighing from one 
to forty or fifty pounds. Many ornaments of stone, 
necklaces, pipes, arrow-head molders, and imple- 
ments for sewing and weaving, and architecture 
of stone, beside the innumerable shapes and sizes 
of vessels of pottery, indicate the inventive and 
mechanical skill, the taste for the arts of peace as 
well as of war which characterized these people of 
such a remarkable culture and origin. 

Prof. A. de F. Bandelier says of the cave dwellings 
on the Gila and Sapello rivers : '' These cave dwell- 
ings are properly but one story high, but the coui- 
pulsory adaptation to the configuration of the ground 
has caused an accidental approach to two stories. 
They are instructive for the study of the develop- 
ment of the terraced house of the Pueblo Indian, 



192 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

Perfectly sheltered, and therefore quite well pre- 
served, the cave villages are, perhaps, larger than 
the open-air ruins — compactness compensating for 
the limitation in space. But they illustrate the 
fact that the foundations remaining of villages built 
in the open air are frequently only those of courts 
or enclosures — the mounds alone indicating the site 
of buildings. . . . The fireplace was a rectan- 
gular hearth, as I found it at Pecos, and placed in 
the center of the room. The pottery and stone 
implements are identical with those of the neigh- 
boring open-air ruins. But the dryness of the air 
inside the caves has preserved the more perishable 
remains. These show that the yucca plant, com- 
mon over the whole country, has played a command- 
ing part in the textile industry of the people — that 
it has supplied the dress of the inhabitants in sum- 
mer, as did furs in winter. Nowhere, from the 
highest Gila to Mangas Springs, west of Silver 
City — a stretch of sixty miles — have I found or 
heard of cotton fabrics, as on the Upper Salado. 
But kilts plaited of yucca leaves, analogous to the 
bark kilts worn to-day by the Yuma Indians of the 
Gulf of California, and strings of 'pita' (yucca 
fibre) wound around with strips of rabbit fur, such 
as are used by the Moquis to manufacture heavy 
mantles for winter use, have been found. Mats of 
yucca, decorated with painted figures, were met 
with at Mangas. All these plaitings, as well as the 
sandals and baskets, are identical with those dis- 
covered in Southern Colorado, in the Canon de 
Chezi (Chelly), at the Tule, on the Salado, and 



ANCIENT D WELLING S. l^S 

along the whole course of the Gila. While the art 
of tanning, probably with Rumea Venosus, was evi- 
dently well known, it is strange that the bnck-skin 
dress and moccasin of to-day are wanting among 
the aboriginal remains of the caves and cliffs. 

" I have heard of a rude stone idol found in a cave 
on the Upper Gila. Wooden idols were exhumed at 
Mangas Springs; also, a fetich of obsidian, and 
prayer plumes similar to those of the present Pueblo 
Indians, all deeply embedded in bat manure. Tur- 
quoise beads are abundant on the Sapello." 

To add interest to this story of these old dwell- 
ings and their strange people, the author invites the 
kind reader to follow him in some of his personal 
adventures among these ruins in the canons of the 
Rio Grande, in 1881. 

The pueblo of the mesa , Chapillo was built above 
a wild volcanic fissure, whose sides are still black- 
ened and scoriated from the heat of internal fires 
now extinct, which once broke these mountains into 
the dark billowy fragments that fill the basin. The 
mesa stands between two great cailons made by 
cliffs of glittering gray tufa-rock and sandstone of 
bright red and yellow hues pierced by dark-mouthed 
caves two or three hundred feet from their base. 

As we approach the steeper part of the cliff, we 
follow in imagination these old cliff dwellers, as cen- 
turies ago they climbed to their lofty habitations. 
A winding zigzag path is before us along a trail 
worn into the solid rock. Step by step, it leads up 
the perpendicular face of the cliff; we gather with 
lively interest the sherds of pottery so variously col- 



194 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

ored and decorated, and chips of agate and flint. 
We fancy that we behold the cliff-dAvellers' wives 
and maidens, clothed in deerskin and cotton gar- 
ments, bearing on their heads the ollas filled with 
cool water from the springs and little stream in the 
canon we have left far below, to the pueblo above 
us. It would be strange if their water jars were 
not often dashed in pieces on these dizzy heights. 
We put our feet into the well-worn tracks to mount 
the last seventy feet of that vertical face of the cliff, 
which we ascend along a slightly jutting ledge. As 
we reach up with our hands, our fingers clutch the 
places made for them long ago in this long-enduring 
tufa rock. The right hand finds a firm hold above 
us, then the fingers of the left sink into another 
hole just fitted to the stature of a man in the act of 
climbing, when his feet touch the foot-tracks below. 
Pulling ourselves up, our knees find a smooth rest- 
ing place sunk in the rock. Our hands secure 
another firm hold, and so we slowly rise, seeming to 
ourselves to have leaped across the centuries, and to 
touch the feet of the ancient people who are leading 
us to their home near the clouds. This fancy 
makes us forgetful of all danger, and with an intense 
historic glow, we climb toward the summit, upon 
which at last we cast ourselves, panting and ex- 
hausted, while we look wonderingly around to see 
how the old cliff-dwellers will greet us. But we 
find no Rip Van Winkles here. Our Pueblo Indian 
guide is pointing us to the silent and deserted homes 
of his far-off ancestors. The sun is casting its last 
rays upon them. We look around, bewildered for a 



ANCIENT DWELLING ^^ 195 

moment with the magnificent grouping of cliffs and 
mesas, canons, dark pine-covered \^alleys, and snowy 
mountains beyond, and above them all against the 
deep-blue sky, and then we hasten forward toward 
the greyish white stones, lying in confused heaps 
and fragments of walls, on the level, grassy surface 
of the table-land. This is the pueblo Chapillo. We 
hurriedly examined its ruins ere the twilight deep- 
ened. Its walls, two or three feet thick, were strong 
enough to support three or four stories. Circu- 
lar depressions indicated the estufas. Stone imple- 
ments — grinders, hammers, chisels and axes — were 
scattered among the wall rocks on their surface. 
What might not be revealed by digging into the 
deposits of sand which the centuries have piled over 
them? This was evidently the home of several hun- 
dred people. We linger here in the shadows of the 
twilight, which warns us to leave this mysterious 
spot, and we regretfully begin to clamber down the 
cliff into the gloom of the canon, where we walk by 
the light of the stars back to the camp two miles 
away, our arms burdened with treasures of the past 
and our thoughts busy with the strange histories of 
this land. 

Near this castle-like dwelling are the cave houses, 
to which our guide led us the next morning. They 
are about fifty feet from the top, on the south-west- 
ern face of the plateau. Descending by the same 
rocky trail, we reach an irregular terrace or shelf 
from three to ten feet wide, along the face of the 
cliff, on which at intervals of thirty or forty feet are 
these cave dwellings cut into the white, potous tufa 



196 ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 

stone which forms one of the upper strata of the 
table land. They are of various shapes, rudely con- 
structed from natural caves. But some are in the 
form of half a sphere, with a door-way three feet 
high and two feet wide, having both lintel and 
threshold of stone. The rooms are generally rect- 
angular and sometimes carefully hewn. Some of 
them are double, each twelve feet by fifteen, and 
over six feet high. The ceilings are smooth and 
often blackened with smoke, which escaped through 
one or two holes in the ceiling, slanting toward the 
face of the cliff. Sometimes one room is excavated 
above another, entered by holes only large enough 
for one to crawl through. The inner rooms were 
used for storing food or for comfortable sleeping 
places. Little cuddies are hewn into the sides of 
the caves. Some of the walls are neatly frescoed 
with yellow paint, upon which are figures in red 
ochre. The floors are level and hard, but usually 
covered with mold in which we may find blackened 
corn-cobs, and the heads of grain stalks, which are, 
however, as likely to have been carried thither by 
the crows and bats and other birds, as by human 
beings. 

The pictographs cut into the ceilings and sides of 
these caves are representations of feathered and 
double-headed snakes, circles, men and women, 
eagles, chiefs with feathers on their heads, birds, 
bows, plummets, trees, lightning, rain, clouds and 
various animals. 

As we sit in these caves, we ask ourselves of the 
people who once lived in such rude habitations. 



ANCIENT DWELLINGS. 197 

We look out iijDon the same hills and majestic 
mountains and picturesque valleys, in sight of which 
their dreamy lives were spent. Sitting in these 
doorways, they could espy their friends or foes 
approaching; they could take refuge on the tojD of 
the clift: or repel them from these narrow ledges on 
its side. As we searched for their tools and weap- 
ons, we found no traces of metal, but such imple- 
ments would long ago have disappeared — picked up 
by roving savage tribes. The silence and emptiness 
of these once populous dwellings, of the caves and 
the pueblo, seemed like the desolations described by 
the Jewish prophet, of Edom — as rude a people as 
were these : " thou that dwellest in the clefts of 
the rock, that boldest the height of the hill: though 
thou shouldest make thy nest as high as the eagle, I 
will bring thee down from thence, saith the Lord, 
and Edom shall be a desolation: 'every one that 
goeth by it shall be astonished, and shall hiss at all 
the plagues thereof. . . . No man shall abide 
there, neither shall a son of man dwell in it." 



CHAPTER XII. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 




A 



T the time of the Spanish 
invasion, and during 
the succeeding century of 
exploration and occupation 
by Europeans, there were 
about 150,000 native in- 
habitants within the present 
limits of New Mexico and 
Arizona. Three-quarters of 
this population belonged to 
the roving tribes of the 
Athabaskan family; about 
40,000, including the Pimas, 
were of the sedentary tribes 
called Pueblos by the Spaniards. These were of 
different language and descent, and belonged to the 
three great people-stocks — the Keresan, Zunian and 
Tanonan — while far to the west were the Moquis 
of the Shoshonian stock. They occupied twenty-six 
provinces; eleven of these were in Southern New 
Mexico, and are easy to identify amid the numerous 

198 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 199 

and extensive ruins of their towns, found chiefly in 
the river valleys of that region. 

These southern provinces were named by the 
early conquerors and friars, or by the historians of 
their expeditions, from the characteristics of the 
people, or from their own designation in their native 
speech; but these names covered a very indefinite 
extent of country. They are frequently, mentioned 
as the provinces of Marata, Acu ( Acoma) , Totonteac 
(of the Moquis), Acha, Tabaras, Sumas, Jumanas, 
Conchos and Passaguates (savages of Chihuahua), 
the Jerez -of Sonora, Piros, and the Mansos, who are 
reduced to sixteen persons at the present time. 
Isleta is the only inhabited pueblo in New Mexico, 
among all these ancient provinces. The Piros are 
still extant in Sen-e-cu, six miles from El Paso del 
Norte. Of the Sumas, there is but one descendant 
still living at San Lorenzo. 

The province of Hubates or Taiios, held the region 
of the Placitas and Sandia mountains, and the prov- 
ince of Tiguas, part of the Rio Grande valley below 
Albuquerque. They embraced the towns which were 
visited by the Spanish soldiers under Coronado and 
by Espejo, and their ruins still bear the names of 
Ziguma, San Lazaro, Guika, San Marcos, Gallisteo, 
Los Tanques. The ruins of Ziguma, in the canon of 
the Rio de Santa Fe, near Cieneguilla, belong to this 
group. 

Queres was a province between the Rio Jemez and 
Rio Grande, where five pueblos still exist, and the 
ruins of extinct towns are frequent. Cicuye was 
the important province on the Pecos. In the first 



200 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

century of the Spanish occupation, its people, dimin- 
ished by disease and other causes, moved to the 
region of the Jemez mountains, where they were 
mingled with people of the same stock, whose lan- 
guage was similar to their own. 

The provinces of Taos and Piccuries, in the vicin- 
ity of the upper Rio Grande, are still marked by 
important, pueblos, whose populations have main- 
tained their numbers and been prominent in the 
various struggles of the Pueblos for independence of 
their Spanish rulers. The pueblo of Taos was fre- 
quently occupied by the Spanish soldiers. 

Tlie tribal connections of the natives of New Mex- 
ico are definitely traced by the kinship of their lan- 
guages. Of the seven linguistic stocks represented 
in the Pacific States and Territories, four are found 
in New Mexico. The great Tinne family is repre- 
sented in the Athabaskan tribes, called now the 
Navajoes and the Apaches; the Shoshones in New 
Mexico are now the Utes and Moquis. 

The Rio Grande Pueblo languages are distinct 
from the speech of these more barbarous tribes, yet 
are divided into three linguistic classes: I. Zuili. 
II. Kera. III. Tanonan. The Zuiii embraces a sin- 
gle group of villages. The Kera dialects are scat- 
tered from the Upper Rio Grande to the San Juan 
river and embrace the Queres pueblos of Santa Ana, 
Silla, Tsea (or Cia), San Felipe, Cochite, Santa 
Domingo and the South-western pueblos of Laguna 
and Acoma. 

The Tanonan dialects included four subdivisions: 
1. Tehua, embracing San Udefonzo, San Juan, 



THE FUEBLO INDIANS. 201 

Santa Clara, Pojoaqne, Nambe, Tesuque and the 
Tehiian town on one of the Moqui mesas. 

2. The Tiguas, mcludmg Sandia, Isleta, Taos and 
Piccuries. 

3. Jemez, with the Pecos pueblo on the Jemez 
river. 

4. Piros, in Chihuahua, near El Paso. 

Ninety-seven inhabited pueblos have been care- 
fully enumerated by A. de F. Bandelier as existing 
at the beginning of the seventeenth century (A. D. 
1600) in New Mexico and Arizona. Of these, fifty 
were situated in the valley of the Rio Grande and 
its branches. From the plans of several hundred 
ruins which he has personally sketched, he estimates 
an average of not more than 400 souls to each vil- 
lage, so that not more than 30,000 or 40,000 consti- 
tuted the entire Pueblo population in the provinces, 
when colonization by the Spaniards was begun 
under Oiiate. There were about 30,000 just before 
the rebellion of 1680. 

At the beginning of that century (1600) the gov- 
ernment of the Pueblos recognized for each of these 
scattered tribes a supreme authority in the Council. 
Its decrees were communicated to the village by a 
public crier. An executive officer superintended the 
execution of the decisions of the Council, and there 
were captains who directed each the labor, the hunt- 
ing, the fishing and the wars of the pueblo. Each 
pueblo was absolutely independent. 

The Spanish dominion established for the Pueblos 
the communal system by granting, through an order 
of the King in 1682, community lands to each set- 



202 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

tied tribe. These were inalienable except through 
consent of the whole tribe. The King required 
them to elect without any interference from Spanish 
authorities whatever, every year, tlieir governor, 
treasurer and alcaldes or justices of the peace, and 
report them to the Governor of New Mexico for his 
confirmation. The protectors or agents appointed by 
the royal decree to attend to the concerns of each 
tribe, had no jurisdiction over them. Yet the com- 
munistic ideas of the tribe were diverted from full 
sway over the Pueblos by these incentives of personal 
ambition, through rotation of ofhce. And at the 
same time they became mindful of ownership of the 
land, and of the authority of an invisible power, to 
which they were subject with others, which also pro- 
tected and cared for their improvement. They were 
made wards of the Spanish government, and under 
its supremacy their original form of government 
was maintained, while it was the purpose of the 
Spanish legislation that the Indian should be grad- 
ually led from his savage tendencies, superstitions 
and childish follies up to civilization and a higher 
manhood. 

The new laws and ordinances for the government 
of the Indies made by the Spanish kingdom in 1543, 
were in force over this part of the American conti- 
nent in the next century; for Spain, in the hundred 
years from Columbus, surpassed every European 
nation in extending her dominion over the new 
world from the latitude of northern New Mexico 
even to tlie extremity of South America. These 
laws were well devised. Distance and the lapse of 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 203 

time from the issue of the King's decree at Madrid 
to the reception of it by his officials, greatly impeded 
their administration. The laws were unfaithfully 
executed often, but retribution surely though tar- 
dily followed. The official was obliged to make his 
report in detail; the inspector was sure to visit him 
unawares; the priest and the missionary were 
required to inform the Council in Spain of the 
abuses of the native subject as well as of the colo- 
nists. For punishment, long journeys were taken, 
and the prison waited for the oppressor, or defaulter, 
or disloyal officer, like Diego de Peiialosa and Louis 
de Rosas, military Governors of New Mexico, many 
months after the offense was committed. Thus 
decrees were delayed in execution, like that one 
granting four square leagues of land to each 
Indian pueblo. It was made in 1682 — but the 
lands were not staked out till 1704, and for some 
of the principal pueblos till 1726, and as late as 
1865. 

Among the abuses of administration in New Mex- 
ico were the enforcement of tributes, personal ser- 
vice to the Governors and other officials, and the 
compulsory labor for the benefit of the colonists. 
The small salaries of the Governors, amounting to 
only two thousand ducats, were thus supplemented 
by tributes of cotton and maize from the Pueblo 
Indians. 

In 1709 the Marquis de Penuela, Governor of New 
Mexico, compelled the Indians to serve him person- 
ally, for which he was reprimanded and threatened 
with a heavy fine of 2000 pesos (dollars) by the 



204 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

Viceroy of Mexico if he continued to disobey the 
royal edicts. But slavery was a punishment for 
crime in that age. Revolt against the authority of 
Spain, therefore, brought these Pueblos often to this 
condition of slavery as prisoners of war, if their 
lives were spared. But these revolts were partly 
the results of grievances committed against them 
contrary to Spanish law. It is evident from the 
records that as early as 1725 compulsory labor was 
allowed in the service of the missions as a means 
of education and civilization. But as the Indian 
was averse to labor, it became a hardship, often 
working prejudice against the influence of the 
missions. 

There was much less compulsory labor in mines 
in New Mexico than has been generally believed, 
because there is no good evidence that mining was 
generally practised there by the Spanish colonists. 
The report of Pedro de Rivera, the military inspector 
of this presidio to the crown, in 1725, concerning 
New Mexico mines, states positively that up to that 
date they were not worked to any extent because of 
the low grade of ore. 

The severities of war prevalent in those centuries 
among European nations were doubtless inflicted on 
these natives when rebellious. So that summary 
executions of prisoners and floggings and imprison- 
ments occurred among these peoples, corresponding 
to their own savage customs. The ecclesiastics of 
the missions often interfered with the military pow- 
ers on account of them, for they were sincerely 
attached to their proselytes. The more savage 




AN l>iJlA>,' XUOL. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 207 

tribes, by their incursions upon the natives and the 
colonists, also hindered the peaceful government by 
Spanish officials of these subjects of the crown, but 
there was doubtless some reason for the complaint 
of the colonists that ''the Pueblo Indians were 
treated better than themselves, for everything was 
done for them and nothing for the colonists." The 
prevailing sympathy of the missionaries and other 
religious authorities for the natives, as well as the 
records of these missions, contradict the assertions 
that the rigors of the Inquisition were ever visited 
on the pueblo peoples, though they were inflicted 
upon some of the Spanish officials in New Mexico. 

The pueblo peoples often hunted by villages, sur- 
rounding the game in a district by a cordon of men 
and women, who gradually closed in upon the 
affrighted animals. They trafficked according to 
their locations, in skins, tanned leather, cotton and 
other vegetable products, mantles, utensils of stone 
and pottery, Aveapons, provisions of meat and maize, 
and ornaments of turquoise. 

The Pueblos worshipped the sun and the waters, 
to which they made the most sacrifices; but they 
had many idols of stone and clay, for which they 
had shrines, where they prayed, in the same manner 
as the Spaniards had crosses along the roads where 
they offered adoration. The worship of the devil 
was most constant. In each of the villages there 
was a house or temple to which they carried food for 
the demon. Their fetishes were numerous and their 
worship complex, in which animals played a promi- 
nent part. They had no idea of a Supreme God. 



208 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

There was a constant conflict between the warriors 
and sorcerers for control in a tribe. 

The Franciscans, by right of discovery and the 
martyrdom of six of their missionary friars, have 
held these Pueblo tribes for evangelization for three 
centuries luider the title of the "Custody of Saint 
Paul of the Conversion of New Mexico." These 
natives seemed to have received the Christian relig- 
ion only to enlarge by it their own traditions and 
superstitious fancies. They accepted easily the 
Christian doctrine of a Divine Providence watching 
over their physical welfare, for it coincided with 
their own belief in the Shiuana, Those above. They 
had many rites and ceremonies, and by these and 
their prayer plumes, were always honoring their 
numerous deities; yet they gave up none of their 
gods or devils, and easily relapsed from their newer 
faiths. 

But the Franciscans taught them simple indus- 
tries. They employed the Pueblo women to build 
churches. They taught the people the use of tools, 
and somewhat improved their cultivation of the soil 
with grains, fruits and vegetables. They also intro- 
duced to their country the domestic animals, like 
the horse, cow, burro, sheep, goats, dog and various 
fowls. The missionaries did not easily learn the 
Pueblo languages, and consequently their influence 
in the teaching of religious truths was limited, and 
the progress of the missions was slow, when to 
teach these natives, there was lacking every mod- 
ern instrumentality of education. 

Among the ancient Pueblos there was much less 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 209 

association of men and women in the family. The 
adult males lived mostly in the estufas, while the 
women and their children occupied the houses. The 
boys also slept, ate and were taught in the estufas, 
where the women brought the simple meals, to be 
taken by the men apart from their wives, and these 
round houses served as places for lounging, as well 
as for councils and sacrifices. 

There were marriage customs among the primi- 
tive Pueblo tribes which were of little avail to pre- 
vent sexual license. The children were brought up 
in utter disregard of modesty or cliastity. The edu- 
cation of the boys was carried on in the estufas, and 
consisted of the repetition of prayers, chants and 
historic narrations, which the youth learned little by 
little to memorize, and so preserve traditions hidden 
in fanciful myths. The girls learned to grind corn 
and prepare food. The crushing and grinding of 
corn was done on three matates by three women, 
grinding to a regular measure, and chanting in 
which the men assisted.* 

Pueblo farming has been gracefully described by a 
journalist: "The Pueblo Indian caught the mount- 
ain torrents and held them secure in rude reservoirs 
until he should require their waters to nourish his 
crops. He was practically independent of the ele- 
ments. From a crooked stick he devised a plow- 
share; a cedar bough served as his harrow. With 
these crude implements he prepared the soil as best 
he could, and the round, plump, native species of 
wheat, oats, barley or rye were scattered broadcast. 

* Bandelier. 



210 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

Then three times during the summer the water was 
turned on through the ditches that lined his field; 
and these irrigating canals contributed both mois- 
ture and fertilization at one and the same time." * 

The principal crop of the Pueblos was corn, 
which would grow on the lofty mesas with no other 
watering than the rains. As far north as Santo 
Domingo near Sante Fe, they raised cotton. Their 
communal stores were first cultivated and first gath- 
ered from the fields; but the individual crops were 
then harvested for the benefit of a family ; for each 
male could cultivate a plot within the tribal limits 
and bequeath it to male children; but neither the 
land nor crop could be disposed of except within the 
tribe or clan. As the houses were built by and 
belonged to the women, when the crop was stored in 
them, it became the possession of the family. 

MODEKN PUEBLO INDIANS. 

The modern Pueblo Indians occupy thirty-four 
towns and are classed by distinctions of language 
into eight tribes. So many dialects are in use that, 
with the exception of four tribes, they are obliged to 
communicate with one another in the Spanish 
language. 

The Pueblo people are in comparison with other 
Indians very interesting to observers. The}^ are 
generally finely formed and of noble appearance. 
In stature their height is medium, their bodies mus- 
cular and their chests large. They are erect and 

* Daily New Mexican. 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 211 

stand lightly on their feet in dignified attitndes, and 
move swiftly in the race with great ease. They are 
very hospitable and courteous to strangers, with a 
gracious speech to their guests. Though generally 
peaceful and industrious they have been repeat- 
edly proved to be valiant warriors and efhcient 
allies. 

The present Pueblo communities are located on 
lands well supplied with water, pasture and a fertile 
soil. The Spanish emperor, Charles the Fifth, caused 
the smaller villages to be abandoned, and bestowed 
grants of land upon those which were occupied, 
which gave an irrevocable title to a section of land 
four miles square around the pueblo. This was con- 
firmed by the United States by the provisions of the 
treaty of Guadaloupe. The Pueblo Indians have 
reservations embracing 700,060 square acres in New 
Mexico and Arizona. These are generally valuable 
lands, well irrigated and under good cultivation in 
the vicinity of the villages. 

The Spaniards governed the Pueblo tribes easily 
by reason of their missions or churches in each com- 
munity. They could use the authority of the priest 
in religious matters to secure order and obedience 
to the Spanish government of which he was made 
an agent. The present mode of government of the 
Pueblos is the same as that of three centuries ago. 
It is neither despotic nor republican. There are five 
chiefs or head men of the tribe. The first is the 
cacique or spiritual ruler. He performs marriage 
ceremonies, sanctions betrothals and has power to 
punish for irreligious acts. He is regarded with 



212 THE PUEBLO INDIA^TS. 

much reverence, and in some pueblos the young men 
decide by lot each year who shall be so fortunate as 
to take care of the cacique, whose ofhce is during 
life. The Governor rules the temporal affairs of the 
community, assigning work to each member of the 
tribe, determines the hours of labor, and otherwise 
acts as a civil magistrate, but is elected annually. 
His cane is used as a judicial summons, or as an 
instrument of punishment. 

The war chief is elected like the Governor. In 
time of war he defends the town and leads the light- 
ing. In time of peace he controls the pasture lands 
and hunting grounds. There are some other subor- 
dinate officers who act as police. 

Most of the decisions for the conduct of a commu- 
nity are made in a council. Anytlnng of interest or 
inportance to the village is announced from the 
housetop -by a public crier. They cultivate their 
land to a high decree, so that they have an abund- 
ance of corn, wheat, oats, barley and fruit, to 
supply their simple wants. In some villages the 
people almost abandon their houses in the season of 
cultivation, and erect temporary booths near their 
fields, where they guard their grain and fruits from 
inroad and theft. Their thrashing floors are enclos- 
ures from thirty to fifty feet in diameter, made of 
posts hung with bags and old blankets. Into these 
a dozen horses are driven and kept in motion by 
an Indian boy, urging them to trample with their 
hoofs the grain thickly spread under them. The 
thrashing is watched in silence by a score of men 
standino: outside, who winnow the husks and grain. 



THE FUEBLO INDIANS. 2VA 

and the women carry it in baskets on their heads 
to the pueblo. 

"It is vain to deny that the South-western village 
Indian is not an idolater at heart, but it is equally 
preposterous to assume that he is not a sincere 
Catholic. Only he assigns to each belief a certain 
field of action and has minutely circumscribed each 
one. He literally gives to God what, in his judg- 
ment, belongs to God, and to the Devil what he 
thinks the Devil is entitled to, for the Indians' own 
benefit. Woe unto him Avho touches his ancient 
idols, but thrice woe to him who derides his church 
or desecrates its ornaments."* 

Though the converts of Roman Catholic Christian 
missions and believing in the Mass and in Baptism, 
most of the Pueblos are still worshippers in secret of 
the sun and forces of nature combined with the cere- 
monies to which they have been faithfully trained 
by the Church Missionaries. At night and in the 
morning they chant in minor tones hymns to the 
sun, most of which are sad and mournful in charac- 
ter. They regard with veneration household gods, 
and preserve ancient mysteries in their native lan- 
guage and in estufa ceremonies which are little 
known. They use the Pueblo tongue for their delib- 
erations in councils and to communicate their 
traditions to one another. 

With the estufas of ancient and modern Pueblos 
are associated the secrets of their relijj-ion, their 
councils and their traditional ora:ies. An American, 
in 1875, was permitted to visit one of the five 

*" Archeological Institutes of America." Bandelier. 



214 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

belonging to the Pueblos of Taos, and described it 
thus: 

"It was a large, circular chamber under ground, 
the entrance being through a small trap-door on top, 
surrounded by a circular stockade containing numer- 
ous antlers of deer and having a narrow opening. 
Descending to the chamber by a ladder, it was found 
to be probably twenty-five or thirty feet in diameter, 
arched above, and about twenty feet high; around 
the wall at a height of two feet from the ground 
was a hard, earthen bench. On the floor in the cen- 
ter was an oblong pit two feet deep and nearly three 
feet long. In this it is said the sacred fire is kept 
burning, and we were shown some live embers 
beneath the ashes. 

"Behind the fire-pit is a sort of altar constructed 
of clay, the use of which it was impossible to ascer- 
tain. From a peculiarl}^ sweet, aromatic odor, which 
seemed to fill the atmosphere of the room, we in- 
ferred that probably in these rites sweet-smelling 
grasses or wood are used as incense. The war-chief 
informed us that it should be considered a great 
favor to have been permitted to view the interior of 
this estufa, as such a favor was seldom shown to 
Americans and never to Mexicans." 

The custom of marriage is established as an official 
act; but within the same tribe or clan there is a pos- 
itive and general disregard of its moral obligations. 
There is no prevailing rule of chastity which pre- 
serves personal virtue between the sexes. The keep- 
ing of more than one wife, however, is not allowed 
by the community, and the separation of man and 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 217 

wife is a cause for scandal. As the perpetuation of 
the clan and tribe is of the first consequence and the 
children are regarded as belonging to the clan of the 
mother, the social system of these communities is 
founded on the necessity of child-breeding, and 
recognizes no higher law in conflict with this idea, 
and some of the dances and religious rites are the 
unrestrained expression of this view of social privi- 
lege and duty. 

Though their, domestic life has been said to be 
protected by strict laws, as related to those out of 
the tribe, there is great carelessness in the train- 
ing of children, and the promiscuous life of these 
communities, as well as some of their heathenish 
dances, tend to great licentiousness. The Pueblos 
are somewhat industrious, and preserve the skill of 
their ancestors in pottery-making, weaving and bas- 
ket-work. Each community, village or district has 
its distinctive quality, shape and decoration in its 
pottery. The variety in color and grace of form in 
these manufactures is A^ery remarkable, but their 
imitations of animal, bird and plant life are crude 
and grotesque, rather than artistic. 

The Pueblo Indians have not claimed the privi- 
leges of citizenship in the United States, though 
always loyal and friendly to the government. They 
have refrained from voting and sought thus to avoid 
taxation. But by recent legislation in Congress, and 
by acts of the territorial legislation, they are as lia- 
ble to taxes and subject to laws of the United States 
as other citizens. They have manifested much inter- 
est in the education of their children and in sendincr 



218 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

them to industrial schools, recently established by 
the government for them at Albuquerque and Santa 

Much time is spent by the Pueblos in their amuse- 
ments and religious festivals, but the traditional 
dances which are degrading have been as far as pos- 
sible repressed by both the Spanish and American 
governments. 

A number of their dances, which could be repro- 
duced with propriety, were exhibited in the exposi- 
tion in Santa Fe which celebrated the three hundred 
and thirtieth anniversary of the European settlement 
of New Mexico. The Pueblo Indians vied with the 
Apaches in attracting the attention of the thousands 
who came, from all parts of the country, to witness 
these strange performances. 

A religious dance of the Zufiis, celebrated by the 
order of the cacique onl}^ in times of great drought, 
was specially indicative of Indian traits. The cos- 
tumes in this dance, in which the women are person- 
ated by young men, are extremel}^ high-colored, and 
varied in texture and artistic designs. Skirts of 
rich color hung from the hips to the knees. Blue 
tunics, with scarlet borders and flowing sleeves, com- 
pleted the costume, with ornaments of eagle feathers 
in deep yellow dyes. A knot of these feathers fast- 
ened to the top of the head, with long, flowing black 
hair, was the distinctive badge of the leader. The 
male dancers, in white woolen blankets and a col- 
ored border in diamond pattern, girded by a green 
and red sash, with a bunch of white strings over the 
right leg and a fox-skin behind, had their heads 



THE PUEBLO INDIAN'S. 219 

crowned with yellow plumes and their faces hidden 
by a yellow mask. Their waists and ankles were 
encircled with garlands of hemlock and fir, woven 
with bright berries, and in their right hands were 
held gourds partly filled with pebbles. By rattling 
these, they marked time for the dancers. The 
costumes of those representing women was similar, 
their faces also concealed by a mask. The dancers 
stood in two rows, facing each other, four feet apart. 
The leader at one end, in full view of the other 
dancers, regulated their movements with the rhythm 
of a chant, marked in measures by the stamping of 
the right foot. 

The leader, at intervals, taking a pinch of flour, 
scattered it to the four quarters of the heavens as a 
prayer to the deity to send them rain. The chants, 
performed by carefully trained voices, were accom- 
panied by a small drum. There is but little grace 
in the motions of the dancers, and the continuance 
of the same figures for a long time becomes very 
monotonous to the spectator. 

The Antelope dance of the Acomas and the Elk 
dance of the Piccuries, at the same Exposition, were 
novel sights. The performers in each were clothed 
in the skins of these animals. Bending down, and 
holding slender sticks in their hands for forelegs, 
they imitated the motions of antelopes or elks in 
alarm, fright, feeding, roaming over the plains, 
fighting and running away from their pursuers. 
Finally a party of Indian hunters drove them away 
captives. These dancers had studied every graceful 
motion of the animals they represented, keeping 



220 THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 

time in all these figures to the tom-toms and chants. 
The Piccuries, with wide branching elk-horns on 
their heads, and nsing stouter sticks in their hands 
for forelegs, decorated with boughs of trees, imitated 
the bold motions of elks, which they hunt in their 
native wilds, and attracted the most interested 
attention of the crowds gazing curiously on this 
drama of Indian life. 

In the Zuiii war-dance, which succeeded these 
lighter plays, there were forty of this tribe, their 
bodies painted from head to feet with fiery red, 
green and blue pigments, and with various war- 
symbols, in white, on their chests and backs. Their 
hideous faces and howls, yells and wild gestures 
with spears and bows, recalled to mind the descrip- 
tions of atrocious scenes among the early colonists of 
America. 

Among the Zuiii, as well as the Pueblo Indians, of 
the Rio Grande, the unit of society is the clan, wdth 
descent in the female line, and inheritance in the 
same direction of everything except lands. There 
is a complex grouping into four clusters within the 
thirteen clans, which takes the place of the phratry. 

These clusters are secret societies, or guilds, based 
not upon descent, but upon individual fitness for 
perpetuating certain special kinds of knowledge. 
The Medicine order preserves the secrets of knowl- 
edge for healing the sick; the Hunters, the secrets 
for preserving game; the Keepers-of-the-faith have 
charge of the worship of the deities, both public and 
secret; while the order of the Bow is devoted to the 
military art. Starting with a few simple acquire- 



THE PUEBLO INDIANS. 221 

ments, a comj)licated ritual with a symbolical rega- 
lia has gradually been developed. The basis of 
religious belief is a system of dualism, resembling 
that of ancient Mexico, according to which a pair, 
with the attributes of sex, have created the world 
and mankind, and continue to uphold all life; while 
the host of supernatural agencies worshipped are all 
created beings, forming a series of deities organized 
after the fashion of the various groups of their own 
tribe. 

Each order has its own history in the shape of 
myths and fables, folk lore and traditions ; and thus 
have been preserved what recollections of the past 
are still in existence. These tales appear to establish 
the fact that at some remote time their home has 
been shifted from some point in the North-west 
about the boundary of Utah to their present loca- 
tion. These traditions resemble those of the Queres 
nation in claiming that after descending from the 
North-west, they turned northward and settled on 
the Rio Mancos, a tributary of the San Juan in the 
south-western corner of Colorado, where remarkable 
cliff-dwellings have been discovered, from which 
place they migrated to their present home. This 
spot on the Mancos is called by the Zuiiis Shi-pap- u- 
luma, and the Queres point to the same region as 
their former home, and call it Shipap. In the 
mythology of both tribes it is a sacred spot, and has 
given the name of the final abode to which their 
spirits will return.* 

* Archeological Institutes of America. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS AND GENERAL CONDITION OF THE 
PEOPLE IN 1837-40. 

THE Roman Catholic reli- 
gion was established 
by law in New Mexico at 
this period, as it had 
always been recognized by 
peculiar privileges, since it was in 
competition with no other form of 
Christianity. There was toleration 
for no other religion. Foreigners 
could worship in other forms or 
creeds only in their own houses. 
The military and church powers 
were closely united; there was, in 
fact, a military hierarchy in control 
^ of the province. Industry yielded 

to its demands in the observance of successive 
feast-days and parades, till the life of the people 
was robbed of all progress and enterprize attend- 
ant upon diligent labor. Superstition was encour- 

222 




RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. 228 

aged. Miracles were claimed to be wrought for 
trivial ends, and with a concurrent credulity on 
the part of the people truly astonishing. The tradi- 
tion of the apparition of Nuestra Senora de Guada- 
lupe — Our Lady of Guadalupe, the patron saint — 
is a notable illustration of the impositions prac- 
tised upon the misled people. The apparition is 
still preserved in their religious observances, as 
sacredly as the nativity of Christ, and is one of the 
most cherished dogmas of their faith. In 1831, a 
medal commemorating this apparition was manufac- 
tured in Birmingham, England, for the Mexican 
market, to perpetuate this devotion. Nine-tenths of 
the population of Northern Mexico wore these med- 
als, of which 216,000 were struck for distribution. 
On one side of these is the Virgin, in a blue-spangled 
robe, with the date A. D. 1805, and on the other, 
the motto — Non fecit taliter omni nationi — (She) 
hath not dealt so with any nation. The current 
version of this miraculous appearance is a household 
tradition in New Mexico. 

The power to perform miracles was implicitly 
ascribed to all the canonized saints. Their images 
were carried to the bedside of the sick; the patron 
saint was paraded through the fields and meadows 
about the time of the beginning of the rainy season, 
to bring the needed rains; the Sacred Host was car- 
ried with great pomp to the dwellings of those dan- 
gerously ill, while the people knelt in the streets as 
the procession passed. 

The arrival of the Bishop of Durango at Santa Fe, 
in 1833, was attended with characteristic scenes of 



224 RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS, 

enthusiasm and devotion. Brilliant and profuse dec- 
orations of the streets were made with rich cloths, 
shawls and carpets, for the processions to pass over. 
The people fell on their knees before the Bishop 
when he appeared upon the streets, kissed the pas- 
toral ring upon his hand, and received the apostolic 
benediction. Priests were often likewise recognized 
in their official character in public places. The peo- 
23le performed the duties of public worship with 
great punctuality, and the hour of vespers daily 
caused a momentary hush of all conversation, and 
cessation of business in shops and stores and fields, 
when the bell sounded for prayers, till in two or 
three minutes, its livelier tones released the popula- 
tion from the duty of reverence, and the ceremony 
ceased with Buerias tardeSj, "Good evening," passed 
from one to another like the morning salutations of 
the present day. 

The fiestas, feast-days, kept continually in mind 
the religious sentiment, and caused a disregard 
of industrious labor. The Holy Week observances 
absorbed all the thought and time of the people, and 
especially did Good Friday demand observance with 
great pomp. An image of Christ large as life nailed 
to a great wooden cross carried in procession, other 
images of the Virgin, Mary Magdalene and the 
apostles, made a solemn spectacle to the multitude; 
and the shameful rites of the penitents in some of 
the towns were the occasions of self-imposed torture 
and agony, degrading to the Christian faith. The 
sufferers were often the most wicked and abandoned 
criminals. Though these abuses of devotion were 



M:KLIGI0t73 Ct/ST0M3. 22? 

prohibited by the Holy See, as early as Pope Clem- 
ent the sixth, they had a singular attraction to the 
mixed Indian and Spanish race — in its lower ele- 
ments — and while often prohibited by the highest 
church authorities, continue in some localities among 
the New Mexicans to the present time. 

The religious solemnization of marriage among 
the New Mexicans during this period of degeneracy 
of the church and people, was difficult and expen- 
sive. Marriage lost much of its sacredness and was 
commonly disregarded. The marriage fees imposed 
by the priests varied from five to live hundred dol- 
lars, according to the pomp with which the rite was 
celebrated. Marriages were generally arranged by 
parents, and the wishes of the young people were 
seldom considered. There was but little preceding 
courtship, and very often marriage covered the dis- 
graces of unmarried people. 

Baptism was not a costly sacrament for the chil- 
dren, but burials were so much a source of revenue 
to the priests and impoverishment to the relatives, 
that corpses were often deserted, or secretly depos- 
ited in churches at night, when priests were obliged 
to perform the ceremony without pay, unless the 
relatives could be discovered. 

The immoralities of the people were fostered by 
the examples of the priests, who were prominent at 
gaming tables, fandangoes, saloon drinking, and in 
violation with their people of their professedly cele- 
bate lives. ,•;./:?•■.•>[ 

Death was but a release to the people from much 
extortion in the name of religion, and the begin- 



228 RELlGIOtJS CUSTOMS. 

ning of compensation for faithful submission to the 
church. The baptized child was decked in its coffin 
in the gayest colors, and with the liveliest music 
the gayly-clothed bearers bore the uncoffined corpse 
to the burial. The scenes of interment among 
the scattered relics of others in the consecrated 
earth were of a character to deaden the sentiment 
of respect and tenderness for the remains of the 
deceased. 

The progress of intelligence in the people of New 
Mexico, in 1837, reflected on the condition of the 
Mexican Confederation. There wei-e no newspapers 
published in the province. The only attempt at 
such a publication had been made in 1834, when 
"The Crepuscule" (Dawn), was issued weekly for 
a month to about fifty subscribers. It then ceased, 
having accomplished the election of its editor as a 
representative to the Mexican Congress. There 
were no professional lawyers in New Mexico in this 
period. There was no native physician in practise, 
and foreign doctors had found it impossible to main- 
tain themselves, on account of the unwillingness or 
inability of the people to pay for their services. 

There was no opportunity for a carpenter or 
cabinet-maker to exercise any skill in his labor, as 
sawed lumber was unknown in New Mexico, and 
the boards used in buildinii; bad to be hewn out with 
an axe. 

The architecture of the people betokened their 
backward condition of intelligence and enterprize. 
The material used was mostly unburnt clay, and the 
pattern of buildings of the most primitive type, 



RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. 231 

wliich liad come to them from the Indian pueblos 
and the old Spanish colonists. Their churches and 
the official residences, even to the Governor's ^jrt/ac/o, 
were constructed of the same rough and unsightly 
blocks of dried clay. The dwellings did not lack 
comfort, on the inside. They were thus described 
in 1837: 

"A tier of rooms on each side of a square, com- 
prising as many as the convenience of the occupants 
may require, encompass an open ixitlo or court, with 
but one door opening into the street — a huge gate, 
usually large enough to admit the family coach. 
The back tier is generally occupied with the kitchen, 
provision store and granary, and other offices of the 
same kind. Most of the apartments, except the 
winter rooms, open into the 'patio^ but the Lu'.dr 
are most frequently entered through the hall, which, 
added to the thickness of their walls and roofs, ren- 
ders them delightfully warm during the cold season, 
while they are perfectly cool and agreeable in sum- 
mer. In fact, hemmed in as these apartments are 
with nearly three feet of earth, they may be said to 
possess all the pleasant properties of cellars, with a 
freer circulation of air, and nothing of the dampness 
which is apt to pervade those subterranean regions. 

"The roofs of the houses are all flat terraces, 
being formed of a layer of earth two or three feet in 
thickness, and supported by stout joists or horizontal 
rafters. These roofs, when well packed, turn the 
rain off with remarkable effect and render the houses 
nearly fire-proof. The terrace also forms a pleasant 
promenade, the surrounding walls rising usually so 



232 RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. 

high as to serve for a bahistrade, as also a breast- 
^vork, behind which, in times of trouble, the com- 
batants take their station and defend the premises. 

"The floors are constructed of beaten earth, 
'slicked over' with soft mortar and covered gen- 
erally with a coarse carpet of domestic manufacture. 
A plank floor would be quite a curiosity in New 
Mexico. The interior of each' apartment is roughly 
plastered over with a clay mortar unmixed with 
lime, by females, who supply the place of trowels 
with their hands. It is then white-washed with 
calcined gypsum, a deleterious stuff that is always 
sure to engraft its affections upon the clothing of 
those who come in contact with it. To obviate this, 
the parlors and family rooms are usually lined with 
Mall-paper or calico, to the height of Ave or six feet. 
The front of the house is commonly plastered in a 
similar manner, although not always whitewashed. 
In the suburbs of the towns, and particularly in the 
villages and ranchos, a fantastic custom prevails of 
painting only a portion of the fronts of houses, in 
the shape of stripes, which imparts to the landscape 
a very striking and picturesque appearance." 

The population of New Mexico, in 1840, was 
about 45,000. Not more than 1,000 were white 
I'reoles, or those born of European parents. The 
mestizos, of Spanish and Indian origin, numbered 
about 35.000. and there were 10,000 Pueblo Indians. 
This population was conflned mainly to the valley 
of the Rio Grande, which was cultivated and inhab- 
ited with a few towns, or centers, for a distance of 
100 miles above Santa Fe, and 140 miles below. 



RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. J>33 

To support these people, agriculture was the chief 
reliance. It was carried on in a very primitive 
way; the soft, rich soil of tlie valleys was cultivated 
with the large hoe and tlie wooden plow — a section 
of a tree, two feet long, pointed at one end and run- 
ning flat like a shovel-plow, and guided by a project- 
ing branch for a handle. Not a particle of iron was 
used in the construction of these plows, or of the 
great lumbering carretas or Mexican ox-carts, whose 
wheels were made of sections of great trees, sup- 
ported by rude axles which creaked hideously under 
their loads. The method of cultivation by irriga- 
tion gave a surety to crops, and the farmer was 
content with small fields of grain, to cultivate which 
the necessities of irrigation would have made too 
laborious, if greatly extended. The fertile valleys 
were solnetimes the sites of haciendas, or large 
estates. They usually belonged to Spanish families 
and were cultivated by peons; and, with their 
ancient trees, far-reach in (»• fields of jjrrain, thousands 
of cattle and sheep on the pastures, and numerous 
small houses around some central quadrangular 
block of white walls, afforded a very attractive 
appearance. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS 



ARMIJO. 




T 



^HREE Frenchmen had reached New 
Mexico as early as 1693, being 
deserters from the expedition of La 
Salle, and in 1739 nine French Cana- 
dians entered New Mexico, two of 
whom remained till Oct. 19th, 1743, 
when one of them was shot at Santa 
Fe, for fomentino; a rebellion anionu: 
the Pueblos against the Spanish power. 
The French traded with the Comanches 
north of Mora in 1748, but though New 
Mexico was nearly defenceless for fifty years after 
this date, no one sought to wrest this territory from 
the Spaniards. 

The first approach of Americans to New Mexico, 
across the plains, was made as early as 1805. 
James Pursley, wandering near the Rocky moun- 
tains, was guided by some Indians from the Platte 
river to Santa Fe, where he remained several years. 
A French Creole had previously, in the same 
way, entered Santa Fe, on a trading expedition, 
which he made profitable to himself, but never 

23-1 



AMEBIC AN EXPEDITIONS — ARMIJO. 235 

reported to his employer — an American named 
Morrison, of Kaskaskia. The Louisiana purchase 
aroused the interest of the United States in these 
vast regions, and Lieutenant Zebulon Montgomery 
Pike was sent on an exploring expedition, in 1806, 
up the Arkansas and Red rivers. He was instructed 
to establish friendly relations with the Comanche 
and other Indians of the plains, and to avoid all 
offense or alarm to the settlements of New Mexico. 

The head waters of the Canadien river were mis- 
taken for those of the Red river, and Lieutenant 
Pike, with his party, were lost in the valley of the 
Arkansas river — to which the stream had led them 
again, in the middle of winter — after wandering for 
two months in search of the sources of the Red 
river. The party became separated in their search, 
having crossed the mountains on foot with incredi- 
ble perils and sufferings. They finally encamped on 
the banks of a stream, supposed to be the Red river, 
and built a fort, as they believed, within the United 
States territory. Here the men of the expedition 
were gradually gathered, but in the midst of their 
operations in strengthening their fort, they were 
surprized by the presence of a body of Mexican 
troops, despatched by Governor Alencaster from 
Santa Fe, with one hundred horses and mules, t{ 
bring the company to Santa Fe. Astonished a; 
finding themselves on Spanish soil, Lieutenant Pike 
struck his flag and yielded to the polite demands of 
the Mexican officer. 

Lieutenant Pike had established his fort on the 
Conejos river, five miles from its junction with the 



L'.'.O AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS — ARMIJO. 

Rio Grande, and from a hill south of his camp, had 
a view of the magnificent San Luis Park — a luxuri- 
ant vale, surrounded with great and lofty mount- 
ains — which excited in his men intense enthusiasm. 

Their march to Santa Fe took them first to Ojo 
Caliente, one hundred miles from the fort. Thence 
to the Cliama river and the pueblo of San Juan, 
where the people most hospitably received them. 
Santa Cruz, and San Ildefonso and Tesuque were 
visited on the way to Santa Fe, where they arrived 
March 3, 1807, in the most astonishing plight for 
an expedition of United States soldiers. 

The capital city presented an equally strange 
appearance to the eyes of the Americans. It was 
about a mile in length, situated on the banks of the 
creek and three streets in width. It resembled a 
lieet of flat-boats on the Ohio river, as seen by Pike 
from a distance. He discovered the north side to 
have a public square occupied by the government 
building, the soldiers' houses and guard's quarters 
on the north and the opposite side given up to 
the dwellings of the clergy, the churches and the 
public offices. The houses, with their portals, made 
very narrow streets not more than twenty-five feet 
wide. The population of the town was about 4500. 

Governor Alencaster received Lieutenant Pike in 
the palace, the floors of which were covered with 
buffalo and bear skins. After an examination of 
his papers and commission, and a short colloquy in 
the French language. Lieutenant Pike was treated 
with the courtesy which his character as a gentle- 
man and a man of honor demanded, and the next 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— AEMIJO. 239 

day was hospitably entertained at a dinner in the 
palace. 

He was, however, informed that he must go to 
Chihuahua with his men, not as prisoners of war, 
but with an escort of dragoons, and a certificate 
from Governor Alencaster that he was obliged to 
march thither. They set out with the Governor, 
who accompanied them for three miles and cordially 
parted with his recent guest. On the route Lieu- 
tenant Pike describes the pueblo of Santo Domingo 
as containing 1000 people. A-t San Felipe they 
crossed over a bridge made of eight arches. Near 
Albuquerque the men were put in charge of Don 
Facundo Melgazes, who treated them with great 
gallantry and honor, and delivered them on April 
2, to the general commanding, Salcedo, of Chihua- 
hua, who despatched them to Texas. They were 
very hospitably treated by the Spanish Govern- 
ors of Coahuila and New Leon, and on the 1st of 
July, 1807, entered Nachitoches, grateful and happy 
to stand once more on the soil of their own country. 

From the observations of Pike it appears that the 
industries of the people of New Mexico at this 
period were confined principally to stock-raising and 
agriculture. At El Paso, his party was entertained 
by a planter, Don Francisco Garcia, who possessed 
20,000 sheep and 1,000 cows. There was but one 
mine in operation in latitude thirty-four degrees. 
probably in the vicinity of Socorro, which produced 
20,000 mule loads of copper annually, furnishing all 
that was needed for the provinces. The annual 
exports from New Mexico consisted of 30,000 sheep, 



240 AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— ARMIJO. 

tobacco, wrought copper vessels and skins of deer 
and buti'alo. Fine imported cloths were from twenty 
to twenty-five .dollars per yard, flour two dollars per 
hundred and beeves five dollars each. The Pueblo 
Indians manufactured rough leather, pottery, cotton 
and coarse woolen cloths and blankets. Mechan- 
ical operations were confined to the Indians, and 
agriculture carried on by the Spaniards. The New 
Mexicans were continually subject to military serv- 
ice, their frontiers being exposed to the incursions 
of Apaches and Navajoes, so that dragoon escorts 
were required for the trading caravans between the 
province and states of Mexico. They had become 
thus inured to war, and, isolated from the civiliza- 
tion of the kingdom of Spain on the south, were a 
brave people, and kind and hospitable to all who 
came within their borders. 

The end of the Spanish rule in Mexico and its 
provinces came witli the proclamation of the Inde- 
pendence of Mexico by Iturbido, in February, 1821. 
Iturbido, at first declared regent, was soon pro- 
claimed emperor of Mexico, with the title of Augus- 
tine I. His reign was short. In March, 1823, he 
was forced to abdicate, and banished from his coun- 
try. Iturbido and his family sailed for the Mediter- 
ranean, but returning secretly to Mexico, in May, 
1824, in a vessel chartered in Engiland, he was 
declared an outlaw, seized and shot, July 19th, 
1824, five days after his landing. 

The Mexican republic was created, Nov. 19th, 
1823. A constitution, resembling that of the United 
States, was adopted, and New Mexico became part 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— ARMIJO. 241 

of the federation of nineteen states and four terri- 
tories. In the Mexican republic, each territory 
was allowed a representative, but a Governor was 
appointed over it by tlie President, and a territorial 
Legislature was elected by the people. 

Bartoloine Baca was the first Governor of New 
Mexico appointed under the Republican rule. He 
held office from 1824 to September, 1825, and was 
succeeded by seven Governors, each holding his posi- 
tion for a brief term, till 1837, when New Mex- 
ico was created a department of the Republic under 
Albino Perez, who was assassinated hj the Pueblo 
Indians in their insurrection at Santa Fe, Aug. 9th. 
Jose Gonzalez, proclaimed Governor of New Mexico 
by the insurgents, was deposed by Mannel Armijo, 
who had stirred up a counter revolution in favor of 
the Mexican Republic; and Gonzalez, was executed 
with some of his followers, Jan. 27tli, 1838, by 
Armijo, who was recognized by the National Gov- 
ernment in the City of Mexico, and managed to 
continue in office from 1838 to 1846, with a short 
intermission of a few months, Avhen he was at that 
time suspended, but again elected as Governor, the 
last time under Mexican rule. He yielded only to 
the United States troops, when they took formal 
possession of New Mexico, by joroclamation of Gen- 
eral S. W. Kearney, Aug. 16th, 1846. 

On the 14th of September, 1841, after incredible 
privations and sufferings from famine and everj^ 
kind of disaster from their wanderings on tlie 
plains, that portion of the Texan-Santa Fe expedi- 
tion which had reached the Mexican settlements, set 



H42 AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS — ARMIJO. 

forth toward Santa Fe, with instructions and let- 
ters showing the peaceful intentions of the large 
trading expedition from Texas to which this party 
belonged, and from whose calamities they had 
bareh' escaped wdth their lives. Passing one night 
at Anton Cliico, as they were the next day nearing 
San ]\Iiguel, they M'ere suddenly surrcumded by more 
than a hundred soldiers well mounted, but armed 
indiscriminately with old carbines, lances, bows and 
arrows, and swords, under the command of Domasio 
Salezar, who placed the Texans under arrest, exam- 
ined their papers, and then proceeded to rob them of 
arms, equipments and everything on their persons, 
and led them out to be shot. 

By the interposition of an interested Mexican, 
Don (rregorio Vigil, this murderous purpose of Armi- 
jo's trusty officer was prevented, and the five pris- 
oners were driven on foot toward San ^liiiruel. The 
next day they w^ere hurriedly marched through the 
town in charge of a villainous lieutenant, Don Jesus, 
and after great hardships, toward sunset, came upon 
a numerous cavalcade surrounding General ^lanuel 
Armijo. Governor of New Mexico, mounted on a 
gayly-decked nuile of great size. The first saluta- 
tion of the Governor was friendl}', but his hostility 
to the Texans was soon manifested when he ordered 
them to be marched back under guard to San Miguel 
that night. To a remonstrance of the officers in 
charge that they were hardh' able to walk all the 
way back that night, Armijo replied, '-They are 
able to walk ten leasrues more. These Texans are 
active and untiring people. I know them; if one of 



AMERICAN EXF:EDITI0NS— ARMIJO. 243 

them pretends to be sick or tired on the road, shoot 
him down and bring me his ears! Go!" 

Under this penalty of failure, the company reached 
San Miguel in a few hours, and were placed in a 
temporary prison. The same evening, they saw a 
comrade who had been taken prisoner previously to 
themselves, shot in the back by the guard, in the 
prison yard. They were then taken by a strong 
guard from the prison, and brought before the house 
where Armijo was quartered, and examined. The 
Governor meanwhile questioned a concealed wit- 
ness behind him as to each member of the party. 
This proved to be one of their bravest companions, 
PTowland, from whom they had parted on the plains, 
in their desperate eifort to save themselves from the 
horrors of starvation. 

No sooner had his testimony been taken than 
Armijo came forward and told the captives that 
their lives were safe, as he had found their report of 
themselves confirmed by this other prisoner. He 
had previously been captured, and taken to Santa 
Fe, but attempting to escape from his confinement, 
had been re-captured. He was now led forth to his 
execution before their eyes, but Armijo remanded 
him to prison till the following day, when he w^as 
shot. The next day Captain Cooke, with the rest of 
the expedition, was captured, through the treachery 
of an officer named Lewis. This traitor had also 
delivered another detachment, under General Mc- 
Leod, into Armijo's power. After twenty days in 
prison, Armijo sent all the prisoners on a cruel 
march on foot to the city of Mexico, 2,000 miles 



244 AMEBIC AK EXPEDITIONS— AR]\n JO. 

away. The indignities heaped upon these men, by 
the orders of Armijo, were indescribable. Starving, 
bruised, sore, ragged, shoeless, overcome by heat on 
the rough and dusty roads, shot at and mutilated if 
they fainted on the way, confined in horrible enclos- 
ures filled with vermin and filth beyond description, 
where disease, leprosy and death overtook many of 
them, this march was like the progress of a slave- 
gang under Arab overseers in Africa, and the ter- 
rible journeys of Russian convicts and exiles to 
Siberia. 

In the insurrection of 1837, this man had risen to 
power through craft and impudence which fortune 
and the weakness of his countrymen made success- 
ful. The people of the province of New Mexico, 
under the Confederation, were moderately content 
with the change of government so long as the 
authority of the general government was repre- 
sented by native othcials. When the republic of 
Mexico was modified in 1835, and the federal power 
centralized in the capital, the change was displeas- 
ing to some of the provinces. Colonel Albino Perez 
was appointed under the new government at Mex- 
ico, to be Governor of New Mexico. At first the 
people of this distant province experienced no 
change in their financial interests, and no opposition 
was raised to the new regime till, for the support of 
the administration in New Mexico, it became neces- 
sary to levy a direct tax upon the people. Then 
discontent began to be secretly cherished, breaking 
out in the rescue by a mob of an alcalde or justice 
of the peace, who had been imprisoned in the north- 




A HOSTILE PUKBLO. 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— ARMIJO. 247 

ern district "by the Prefect, Don Ramon Abreii. 
This was the beginning of a general insurrection. 

A disorderly assembly of people, irrespective of 
nationality or condition, was gathered at La Canada, 
twenty-five miles north of Santa Fe. The northern 
Pueblos were largely represented by their warriors 
in this mob. Governor Perez collected about 150 
militia of the province, with the warriors of the pue- 
blo of San Domingo, and marched from Santa Fe 
against the insurgents. This entirely insufficient 
force was ambushed near La Canada, and the Gov- 
ernor, left with only twenty-five followers, the rest 
having deserted him, retreated hastily to Santa Fe, 
and thence fled southward for their lives. Governor 
Perez was overtaken, pursued back to the capital, 
and cruelly slain in the suburbs j his body was 
stripped and nuitilated, and his head, carried into 
the city in triumph, was tossed about among the 
insurgents as a foot-ball. Prefect Abreu, with the 
Secretary of State, Francisco Alarid, and some other 
officials who had taken refuge in the farm-houses 
outside of the city, Vv^ere also hunted out of their 
places of concealment, and their stripped bodies, 
pierced with lances, were subjected to the same 
indignities by the infuriated mob — mostly composed 
of the Pueblo Indians — whose savage natures were 
now thoroughly aroused. 

Don Santiago Abreu, a former Governor of great 
note in the province, was most horribly tortured by 
them. His hands were cut off, his eyes and tongue 
pulled from their sockets while he was yet alive, 
and his body mangled, while his merciless foes 



248 AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS- ARMIJO. 

taunted him with crimes. There were twelve of 
the more distinguished citizens who thus perished in 
this insurrection in the capital, whose bodies lay 
exposed in the fields to wolves and ravens. 

Two thousand insurrectionists, including the Pue- 
blo Indians, on the 9th of August, 1837, now sur- 
rounded the capital, which awaited with great fear 
the pillage and destruction that would follow its 
capture. 

Better counsels, however, finally prevailed. One 
of the boldest leaders, Jose Gonzales, of Taos, was 
made Governor by the mob. The rebels now went 
through the form of confiscating the property of 
their murdered victims, by the decree of a council 
summoned by Gonzales, and their families were 
reduced to destitution. The property of the Ameri- 
can and other foreign traders was not seized, but 
they lost all their claims upon the deceased officials, 
to whom they had largely given credit. These 
claims, presented to the American minister at Mex- 
ico, were never enforced by the government of the 
United States. But the merchants who had fur- 
nished means to Governor Perez to quell this insur- 
rection, were accused of being instigators of it, and 
in some instances their property confiscated. 

Among those most eager to profit by this insur- 
rection, who had been also concerned in fostering it, 
was a character subsequently notorious and promi- 
nent in the history of the province, Don Manuel 
Arniijo, of Albuquerque. 

Probably no man more cruel or unscrupulous ever 
became prominent in affairs in New Mexico. He 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— ARBIIJO. 249 

was Governor of the province most of the time 
from 1837 till its conquest by the Americans in 
1846. 

Having with his usual cowardice kept aloof from 
the fighting and carnage at the capital, he hurried 
to it from Albuquerque to be elected Governor. 
Finding his intrigues unsuccessful, he plotted a 
counter revolution in favor of the federal govern- 
ment. With the aid of the disbanded federal troops 
he returned to the capital in triumph, Gonzales hav- 
ing at his approach fled to the north. 

Armijo proclaimed himself Governor and General 
and sent by couriers a boastful account of his valor 
in subduing the rebellion, to the general government 
at Mexico, by which he was at once recognized and 
confirmed as Governor for eight years. Four hun- 
dred dragoons and regulars were sent by the Gov- 
ernors of Zacatecas and Chihuahua to Santa Fe, who 
joined Armijo's force and marched in January, 1838, 
against the rebels again gathered at La Canada. 

The valiant Armijo in the presence of the enemy 
was about to retreat, when a captain of one of the 
companies of dragoons asked permission alone with 
his company to oust the rabble. Armijo gave con- 
sent, and the disorganized rebels fled precipitately. 
Gonzales was captured among the prisoners taken, 
and immediately shot without any form of trial. 

Thus the government of the province was secured 
to Armijo, whose career as the last of the Spanish 
and native rulers, before the province became a ter- 
ritory of the United States, is worthy of some spe- 
cial notice. 



250 AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS— AEMIJO. 

Governor Armijo, directly after gaining power, 
assumed to himself all the functions of the chief 
executive, the legislature elected by the people but 
prorogued by him, and of the judicial department, 
which was appointed by him as 'a matter of form, 
and made subservient to his demands. Justice 
became a matter of sale, and the money and influ- 
ence of a litigant before an alcalde or higher judge, 
neutralized all the justice, evidence and character 
opposed to him. Americans were especially obnox- 
inis to Armijo, who lost no opportunity of humiliat- 
ing and robbing them by an imposition of taxes and 
adverse decisions of his alcaldes. 

In 1839, by exempting all the natives from the 
impost taxes on store-houses, shops, etc., but retain- 
ing them on all the property of foreigners, he threw 
the whole burden of the expense of government on 
foreign and naturalized citizens. He apportioned 
the taxes issued to meet the war levy made by the 
Governor of Chihuahua to carry on the wars with 
the Indians so that natives should pay but one-fifth 
that which was assessed upon foreigners, thus dis- 
regarding all treaty obligations between the United 
States and Mexico. The Americans paid twenty-five 
dollars per month, while native merchants with large 
stores and great stock ranches, paid but five to ten 
dollars each. Under Armijo imprisonment without 
trial was as common for debt as for larceny, high- 
way robbery and murder. The prisoners were 
detained at will till release was purchased, the mur- 
derer escaping as easily as the debtor from punish- 
ment of his crimes. The debtor unable to buy his 



AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS -~ ARMIJO. 251 

freedom became the servant or peon of his creditor 
at such small wages that he was kept continually 
in debt to him, and the service became life-long, or 
was transferred for consideration, with the accumu- 
lated obligations, to another master. 

In 1839, by appointing his brother as collector of 
customs, he took the exclusive control of all the rev- 
enue, and, without law, arbitrarily imposed a tax of 
$500 upon each wagon-load of merchandize entering 
the province from the United States, without regard 
to its value or quality. 

Armijo was not only Governor, commander-in- 
chief, legislator, custom-house officer, auditor, treas- 
urer and judge, but in order to sustain himself, 
since his treasury was always bankrupt, he was also 
a merchant, and insisted on paying his officials, mili- 
tary service and other dues in his own merchandize, 
at exorbitant prices. 

Armijo was accustomed to cane his native sub- 
jects in the streets, and to require his appearance on 
the streets to be heralded by a guard with the pomp 
of royalty, and abject obeisance made to him. Bein^.^ 
a man of large and commanding frame and stern 
demeanor, he appeared to be brave, but, in fact, ful- 
filled his frequent manifestation and defense of blus- 
ter by his frequent expression, "It is better to be 
thought brave than really to he so." 

With such a representative of the power of the 
Mexican Confederation over them, the people of 
New Mexico might welcome the American regime, 
which, by the war of the United States with Mexico, 
was soon forced upon thera. 



PERIOD VII. 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION 



1846 TO 1862. 




CHAPTER XV. 

THE COUNTRY AND PP^OPLE. 

BY the treat}^ of the United States 
with Spain in 1819, the bound- 
ary line separating the territory of 
the United States from New Mex- 
ico was thus defined. It extended 
from the Red river 100 degrees 
longitude west of Greenwich northwardly to the 
Arkansas river, then following the Arkansas to 
its sources, it stretched in a straight line north lo 
forty-two degrees North latitude and followed the 
forty-second degree parallel to the Pacific. The 
south-eastern boundary of New Mexico was indefinite 
at the beginning of the war of the United States with 
Mexico, by reason of the claims of Texas made in 
1836 against Mexico, to the disputed territory west 
of the river Nueces as far as the Rio Grande, and 
northward along the Rio Grande to its source, and 
thence to the forty-second degree north latitude. 
The state of Chihuahua formed the southern bound- 
ary of New Mexico along the parallel of thirty-two 
degrees thirty seconds east to the Rio Pecos or 
Puerco, and westward to the head waters of the 

255 



256 THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

Gila, descending the river to its junction with the 
San Francisco. Here it met the undefined bound- 
ary of Sonora, which was usually considered to be 
the river Gila. The wide country between the Rio 
Colorado and the Gila, inhabited onl}^ by wild 
Indian tribes, was generally conceded to belong to 
New Mexico, and the desert tract northwest of the 
Colorado to California. 

Though the widest limits of New Mexico would 
thus embrace the country from thirty-two degrees 
thirty seconds to forty-two degrees North latitude, 
and from one hundred degrees to one hundred and 
fourteen degrees longitude west of Greenwich, it was 
not all under Mexican jurisdiction and control. That 
territory, which was but partially settled, included 
within thirty-two degrees and thirty-eight degrees 
north and longitude one hundred and four degrees 
to one hundred and eight degrees west of Greenwich, 
was the province of New Mexico, properly consid- 
ered, at the time of its occupation by the American 
army. This object of conquest by the United States 
government, enlarged by two degrees of longitude, 
became the present territory of New Mexico. Its 
surface presented in 1846, as at the present time, 
a succession of mesas or table lands from a height of 
10,000 feet in the northern portion to 3800 feet in 
the southern borders. Over these extend five mount- 
ain systfems from north to south and from east to 
west, var^'ing in height from 6,000 to 13,000 feet 
above the sea. These mountains are composed of 
igneous rocks of granite, syenite, diorite and basalt. 
Many regions indicate volcanic action, and large 



THE COUNTRY AKD PEOPLE. 257 

tracts of malpie and streams of congealed lava are 
often met with on the plains or among the caiions. 
The finest pine timber covers the loftiest mountain 
levels, and dwarfed cedars, oaks and pines every- 
where diversify the lower levels and sides of the 
hills and mountains. The mesas are covered with 
rich grass in the rainy seasons, amid great tracts of 
barren country, ridged and gullied by mountain tor- 
rents, which have gorged with deep arroyos the 
desolate sandy surface. Distant views of these ster- 
ile plains give them the appearance of billows of 
sand-hills, from which rise crags and cliffs and 
isolated buttes and peaks, carved by the elements 
into fanciful shapes of ruined castles, and temples, 
monumental pillars, and giant images of men and 
beasts, or lofty pinnacles, of various colors, in form- 
ing which the seas and winds, and frosts and floods 
seem to have indulged for centuries in a revel of 
power over the helpless earth. 

Corresponding to these mountain systems are five 
large rivers with their tributaries, which are sup- 
plied by the abundant snows that cover the moun- 
tain tops for the greater part of the year, and melt 
in the rains usual in July and August. The Rio 
Grande is the main artery of this system, extending 
in New Mexico alone five hundred iniles, having its 
sources in the Rocky Mountains near those of the 
Colorado river of the West, and the head waters of 
the Arkansas. 

It is the longest river of New Mexico, running for 
over 1300 miles from its sources to the Gulf of 
Mexico. Steamboats can ascend from its mouth to 



258 THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

Laredo TOO miles, but within New Mexico its waters 
are not navigable, except in the rainy season, by any 
craft larger than canoes. Its valley averages a 
width of about five miles. Its waters, starting at 
the high elevation of the Rocky Mountains, have a 
fall within New Mexico of 2200 feet and at El Paso 
are 3800 feet above the Sea. 

The tract of land thus subject to irrigation from 
this river within this territory embraces 2,000 
square miles, and is as large as the State of 
Delaware. 

The rivers Pecos and Canadien on the east, the 
Puerco and Gila on the west, and the San Juan 
and Chama on the north, bounded by great mount- 
ain chains, are also the sources of the fertility of 
the gi-eat valleys and plains through which they 
flow.' 

The soil of all these valleys, wherever irrigated, 
produces large crops of Indian corn, wheat, vegeta- 
bles and fruits. Below the latitude of Santa Fe, 
often two crops can be raised in the lower part of 
the Rio Grande valley. The cultivated lands at the 
time of the American Conquest, around the towns 
and villages were located with a system of ditches, 
Avliich formed instead of fences the boundaries of 
the plots cultivated; while the plains and mesas 
were held by herdsmen in common. Numerous 
large estates or haciendas occupied the best parts of 
the valleys and the vicinity of springs. There the 
old feudal system still prevailed in the relations of 
peons or serfs to the masters, who provided food, 
clothing and shelter for their dependents and kept 




TliE MOST TREMENDOUS CHASMS AND GORGES ON THE COMIMCN'I'. 



THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 26l 

them continually in debt and bondage ; so that suc- 
cessive generations of slaves were attached to those 
large estates and were practically the property of 
the landlords under the Constitution of the Mexican 
Republic, which, though distinctly excluding slav- 
ery, permitted the enforcement of laws against debt- 
ors. The rivers of New Mexico constitute one of its 
boldest and most interesting features. Not one of 
them is navigable within the territory. Yet they 
flow through mountain ranges and lofty table-lands 
so as to form the most tremendous chasms and 
gorges on the continent. 

The Rio Grande is over 2,000 miles long, with 
shoals and cataracts a thousand miles below Santa 
Fe. It flows through a deep and impassable canon 
opposite Taos for an extent of fifteen miles on 
a rapid torrent. The bold explorer shrinks from 
looking down its precipitous, craggy sides to the 
foaming current in this dark chasm. Then it flows 
out into the fertile valley of San Juan, winds a ser- 
pentine course like a rivulet through a wide plain, 
till it receives the muddy waters of the Puerco and 
the clear mountain stream of the Rio Santa Fe, 
and stretches across the broad valley of the lower 
Rio Grande through the meadows of Albuquerque, 
Socorro and Messilla, till it skirts the plain of the 
Muerto and enters the defile at El Paso, to flow out 
upon the vineyards, orchards and cornfields, before 
it enters the barren district of Chihuahua. 

The remarkable advantages for grazing in New 
Mexico made the raising of cattle, sheep, horses and 
mules, the chief industry of the people, which, how- 



262 THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

ever, suffered from the depredations of the Indian 
tribes to such an extent that these savage Indians 
were practically partners with the Mexicans in this 
business. The mineral resources of the province of 
New Mexico had also been developed under the 
Republican government of Mexico as little as under 
the Spanish crown. Some deposits of gold had been 
profitably worked in placer diggings. A few silver 
mines, in the mountains near Santa Fe, had been 
abandoned, while the far more extensive resources 
in the mountains and plains east and west of the 
Rio Grande had contributed scarcely anything to 
the industry or wealth of the inhabitants, though 
copper, lead, zinc, iron and coal were abundant. 
The lime and gypsum beds, which are distributed so 
richly over New Mexico, served only the immediate 
wants of the people for their simple dwellings. 
There were numerous salt lakes in the territor}^, 
from the shores of which vast quantities of salt 
could be gathered, but it was not an article of com- 
merce with neighboring states. 

New Mexico, at the opening of this war, was 
known to have a very attractive climate. Diseases 
were rare, and the people, though subject to some 
typhoidal fevers, lived with impunity in the prevail- 
ing dry and moderate temperature, under the priva- 
tions of poverty. 

The population, in 1846, was about 45,000, a few 
of whom were Spaniards. The rest were mestizos, 
partly Spanish and Indian by birth. In character 
they were generall}^ indolent, and the men, sunk in 
ignorance and vice, were utterly unfitted for self- 



TH^ COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 263 

government, while the women were affectionate, 
sympathetic with suffering, and rather attractive in 
personal appearance. There were about 8,000 Pue- 
blo Indians and an unknown number of wandering 
savage tribes of Apache Indians in the province, 
who added nothing to the effective military strength 
of the province in resisting invasion. 

New Mexico was ruled under the Republic, as a 
province, by a Governor and a legislature, called 
the Junta departmental. The Governors were very 
independent of the legislature in their exercise of 
power, and were often removed by revolutionary 
proceedings, so that they, without much form of 
law, held office at the pleasure of the people. The 
judiciary power depended on the Governor's will, 
and the clergy and military power each had their 
courts of justice. Only an indolent spirit in the 
inhabitants, and a prevailing ignorance, could toler- 
ate such a condition. New Mexico exercised great 
independence of this general government, and resist- 
ed taxes and other tributes levied upon the province, 
unless concessions of equal value were made by the 
authorities in Mexico. 

Don Manuel Armijo was the Governor in office at 
the time of the American conquest, and, therefore, 
the last one to be recognized as such by the national 
government in the city of Mexico. Armijo had 
held office from 1838 to January, 1845, and was 
again elected in December of the same year. 

Santa Fe, the capital city of New Mexico, was at 
this time the town of most importance in the prov- 
ince. It contained about 3,000 inhabitants of 



264 THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

Spanish and Indian blood, and, with surrounding 
settlements under its jurisdiction, numbered about 
6,000. Surrounded on all sides by mountains of 
commanding height and beauty, the appearance of 
its low, flat-roofed adobe houses and irregular streets 
was exceedingly disappointing to travellers who had 
made the toilsome journey over the plains. There 
was scarcely an attractive, clean-looking building on 
its narrow streets. The plaza was a desolate-look- 
ing square, on one side of which the long palacio, 
or Governor's palace, was standing. Its portico 
extended the entire length of one side of the square. 
It presented almost the only glass windows in the 
town — for ordinar}" houses had shutters instead of 
windows, or narrow openings glazed with crystalized 
gypsum. A singular ornament of this portico were 
festoons of Indian ears, for which the government 
had paid a bounty. In the long conflicts with hos- 
tile Indians this people had sunk to methods of war- 
fare scarcely better than those of their savage foes. 

The citizens of Santa Fe were naturally indolent, 
and consequently obliged to be extremely frugal in 
their mode of subsistence. They were extremely 
fond of smokins;, dancino; and Q:amblino;, and from 
frequent meeting of strangers, inclined to be socia- 
ble. The arrival of trading companies from the 
United States furnished the government with its 
means of support, and the people obtained most of 
their conveniences for living from these caravans. 
There were consequently a number of foreign resi- 
dents in Santa Fe. They were mostly French or 
German, and generally the merchants were French, 



/ 



!) 




THE COUNTRY AND FEOPLE. 267 

but a few Americans had become established in the 
town. The annual importation of merchandize over 
the plains, which was here distributed, was esti- 
mated at half a million dollars. In 1843, this 
commerce required transportation in two hundred 
wagons. The duties paid to the Governors on these 
wagons were froui $000 to $1000, according to the 
impudence of the officials and the necessities of the 
administration. There was but little help agaiust 
extortion, and the people were obliged in the prices 
paid for these articles, to remunerate those who had 
crossed the Santa Fe trail in the slow journeys with 
ox teams, and the merchants who dwelt in this out- 
landish place under such a government only for the 
sake of gain. 

The other towns in New Mexico had the charac- 
teristics of all Mexican towns — adobe houses, filthy 
streets, idle population, and industries stimulated 
only by the actual necessities for existence. Albu- 
querque had about the same population as Santa Fe. 
It was the home of Governor Armijo, Avlien out of 
office, and the place where he plotted to be rein- 
stated as often as he was deposed. It extended 
along the bank of the Rio Grande on a sandy plain, 
with water so near the surface, that corn, wheat, 
fruits, and beans and red peppers, the principal 
food of the Mexicans, were easily produced, and its 
warmer climate and better soil were an offset to 
its lack of political importance in comparison with 
the Capital. It was said to be, if not handsomer, 
not a worse looking place than Santa Fe. 

Las Vegas was a village of a hundred miserable 



268 THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

houses, with a Mexican popuhition, who obtained a 
scanty living from the cultivation of the fields 
around the settlement, that were irrigated from 
the Gallinas creek flowing out of a beautiful canon 
six miles above. 

The smaller Mexican villages were absolutely 
without other characteristics than mud-houses, ill- 
featured and thinly-clothed inhabitants lazily work- 
ing in surrounding fields, burros, dogs and poultry 
wandering about the narrow lanes, or with occa- 
sional sights of elevated racks of corn-stalks above 
threshing floors, or of wooden ploughs, and the 
creaking Mexican cart made without nails or iron, 
on two solid wheels cut oft" from the trunk of a big- 
tree, and their bony, undersized oxen straggling in 
long lines before it. 

And yet this country of New Mexico, in the sum- 
mer months was very beautiful to behold, its grassy 
parks, diversified by endless groupings of low pines 
and cedars, its brilliant colors of cactus-bloom and 
a score of garden plants, growing wild in rich pro- 
fusion; its mountain sides dark with pine forests, 
and crowned with brilliantly-colored faces of rocks, 
clifts and gorges, under the clear blue sky, and its 
ever prominent table lands, measuring great levels 
against the horizon, and jutting into plains and head- 
lands of a hundred different shapes, with an air 
exhilarating and pure, and a boundless extent of 
country rich with mineral wealth undeveloped, made 
this province a coveted possession to the government 
of the United States, and to that Administration 
which here hoped to enlarge the dominion of Ameri- 



THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 269 

can slavery, and turn this unused country, by slave 
labor, into plantations and ranches that should add 
untold wealth and comfort to the people. For 
here, it was thought, could flourish that American 
aristocracy which degraded labor to classes of people 
who were only fit to serve their natural masters. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



NEW INIEXR'O IN THE WAR OF 1840-47 




T' 



^HE Army of the West, one of 
the three divisions of the 
50,000 troops authorized b}' Act of 
Congress in April, 1846, for tlie 
prosecution of the war with Mex- 
ico, was phiced in command of Col- 
onel Stephen W. Kearney, who was 
soon made Brigadier-General. The 
administration sought as the most 
desirable spoils of war the Mex- 
ican provinces of New Mexico and 
California. Kearney was ordered 
to push his division across the 
plains to Santa Fe, take possession 
of New Mexico and thence to extend 
his conquest westward to California. The abilit}', 
skill and intrepidity of Colonel Alexander W. Don- 
iphan, who was second in command, gave the name 
of Doniphan's Expedition to the first part of this bold 
march of two thousand miles across the continent 
through the great American desert, over the Rocky 
mountains and two other continental ranges, to the 

270 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 271 

shores of the Pacific. His command of 1658 men 
and sixteen pieces of artillery was composed, with 
the exception of one battalion of infantry, of volun- 
teer companies of Missouri, mounted troops enlisted 
under the excitement which the Mexican war had 
aroused in the south-western frontier States. This 
little army departed from Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 
June 26, 1846, and began their march over a thou- 
sand miles of green praries, through ravines of tim- 
ber, across high table-lands and treeless deserts to 
Santa Fe. By July 2d, the column had fairly 
entered the Santa Fe trail and pursued a monoto- 
nous road 600 miles, till Fort Bent on the Arkansas 
river was reached, July 30th. The latter part of 
their march had been hindered by drenching rains, 
deep mud and then by exceedingly hot weather and 
the dust of the wind-swept plains. 

Fort Bent was a trading post, thronged at this 
time, with men drawn by business or curiosity, 
diverse in nationality and color. It was in the land 
of the Comanches and Che^^ennes, and there were 
many corrals and camps of caravan merchants in 
the vicinity of the military camp, waiting for an 
opportunity to make their accustomed trips to Santa 
Fe in safety. 

While here recruiting his troops General Kearney 
had sent out an expedition of twelve picked cavalry 
men under Colonel Cooke, to enter the Mexican ter- 
ritory and proceed to Santa Fe under a flag of truce, 
to persuade the authorities of New Mexico to yield 
peaceably to the claim of annexation of all the terri- 
tory east of the Rio Grande, made by Texas and 



272 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

reaffiruied by proclamation of General Kearney as 
having been annexed with Texas to the United 
States. The people of New Mexico were thus offered 
an escape from the humiliation of being conquered, 
which from their supposed indifference to the Mexi- 
can confederation, it was believed would be accepted. 
This embassy of peace crossed the Raton mountains 
and descending their western slope traversed the 
Mora valley to Las Vegas, where they M-ere kindly 
received by the alcalde of this thoroughly Mexican 
town. From Las Vegas their route took them by 
the old Pecos church and pueblo ruins through a 
mountain park and rocky canon, and on the 12tli of 
August the}' entered Santa Fe and presented the 
communication of General Kearney to Governor 
Armijo in his palace. 

The peaceful negotiations were without avail. 
The Governor sent a rather ambiguous message to 
General Kearney' that he would meet him with an 
army of six thousand men. News previously 
received of the hostile preparations of the Mexicans 
under Governor Armijo. was confirmed by the 
report of these messengers from Santa Fe. 

The main column of the army reached Fort Bent 
on the 30th of July, and leaving the sick and dis- 
abled at this point, resumed march on the 2d of 
August through an inhospitable desert southwardly 
toward the Raton mountains. There were neither 
gmsses nor shrubs for the famishing animals, the 
water was scarce anil of bitter taste, the wheels 
sank into the pulverized earth, and men and beasts 
were suffocated bv the wind driving the line sand 



THE MEXICAN JVAM. 27^ 

into their faces. For three days the cohimn toiled 
through heat and dust till it reached the banks 
of the Purgatoire, a cool mountain stream in sight 
of the lofty Cimmeron and Spanish peaks, rising 
13,000 feet above the sea level in snowy grandeur. 
The boundaries of the desolate plains were soon 
passed, and with new energy the men ascended over 
the rough roads and abrupt hills which led to the 
Raton Pass, where, entering upon a grand basin sur- 
rounded by steep hills, they enjoyed the first Sab- 
bath rest allowed them since they left Missouri. 

The little army now made rapid progress. Gen- 
eral Kearney was in advance with five hundred men. 
The Mexican settlements were found to be in a 
country covered with groves of cedars and pines, or 
in valleys surrounded with corn-fields and gardens. 
The spirit of these volunteer soldiers was cheered 
by the news that two thousand Mexicans were 
encamped in a canon six miles from Las Vegas to 
oppose this invasion of their country. The fatigues 
and hardships of the march of nearly a thousand 
miles were forgotten in the anticipation of a battle. 
The line was formed and tlie trumpet was sounded 
for the advance. The prominent citizens of Las 
Vegas took the oath of allegiance to the United 
States as the troops passed on to the expected 
engagement. But hurrying on to the canon, they 
discovered that the Mexicans had fled, and the troops 
halted at the villages of San Miguel and Pecos to 
receive the people into allegiance as citizens of the 
United States. 

New Mexico was declared by General Kearney 



27G THE MEXICAN WAR. 

to have been annexed to the United States with 
Texas. He was instructed by the Secretary of War 
to establish a temporary civil government over New 
Mexico and California, should he conquer them, and 
release the people from their allegiance to Mexico. 
Much was left to his discretion in relation to the 
civil government of the conquered peoples, and their 
conciliation with the United States. But he exceed- 
ed his rightful authority, in his desire to give to the 
inhabitants the privileges and immunities cherished 
by the people of his own country. By proclamation 
from Santa Fe, soon after he reached the capital, 
he made New Mexico a part of the United States, 
and established -a territorial government, denounc- 
ing, with the penalties of treason, any citizens found 
in hostility to the United States in the territory. 

Governor Armijo had gathered 7,000 men to 
oppose the invaders; 2.000 were well armed and 
held Gallisteo cafion, where the Governor intended 
to give battle. Armijo had sent a message to Kear- 
ney that he would meet him at that cailon, and the 
latter hurried forward in expectation of a peaceful 
interview. But dissension had broken out among 
Armijo's troops, who had, by their fears, exagger- 
ated the reports concerning the Americans and had 
lied in a panic. Only a breastwork of fallen trees 
and nine pieces of abandoned artillery opposed 
Kearney's progress to the capital. In this gorge, so 
narrow that but three or four men could walk 
abreast through it, 7,000 Mexicans with these bat- 
teries could have opposed a large army. But Gov- 
ernor Armijo had retreated toward Albuquerque 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 277 

with a few regular troops, and the road was clear 
to the capital, only fifteen miles distant. General 
Kearney peaceably entered Santa Fe, the same day, 
and planted the American flag in the plaza, in front 
of the palace. As the flag was raised, it was saluted 
by the artillery planted in the Loma (a hill behind 
the town), and the American cavalry rode with 
waving banners through the streets. 

The New Mexicans were soon won to good will 
and submitted cheerfully to the new i-egime. Their 
property was unmolested, their homes secured from 
violence, and they were fully compensated for all 
supplies needed by the United States troops. Gen- 
eral Kearney assured them that they were subject 
only to the laws of the United States, and counselled 
them to resort to no violence and take the oath of 
allegiance, announcing that all their otficers would 
remain unchanged except the Governor, who had 
fled. On the 22d of August he formally declared 
by proclamation, that New Mexico had become a 
part of the United States and its inhabitants endued 
with all the duties, privileges and penalties pertain- 
ing to citizenship of the great republic. Thus this 
vast territory, embracing 200,000 miles, with its 
inexhaustible resources of mineral wealth and soil 
and climate, without firing a gun or shedding a 
drop of blood, passed from the dominion of a race 
that had held it in dependence for 300 years, to the 
freedom of the most enlio'htened orovernment and 
nation in the world. 

General Kearney assumed the office of military 
Governor and was at once occupied by the delega- 



278 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

tions who came from all parts of the country to 
oiier allegiance. The change of government was 
welcomed by the poorer people, who had long been 
subject to extortion and peonage. During the dis- 
turbances and changes in the central government. 
New Mexico had suffered greatly from the Indian 
depredations and civil feuds. There was but a 
weak sentiment of loyalty to the Mexican republic, 
and the native Indians were quite indifferent to 
the fate of the province. The Pueblos hailed the 
Americans as deliverers from Spanish and Mexican 
oppression, believing their traditions now fulfilled, 
which declared that help would come to them from 
the East. Even the chiefs of the Apache tribes 
came to hold a friendly council with the Governor- 
General and declare their friendship and peaceable 
intentions to the Americans. 

The troops were comfortably encamped in the 
reservation on the north bank of the river now 
known as Fort Marcy, and greatly enjoyed the 
inviting and restful location of Santa Fe, sur- 
rounded by mountains and looking out upon the 
fertile plain which extended southward and was 
irrigated by the river whose cool waters flowed 
through the town. The indescribable strangeness of 
its low, fort-like houses, ancient churches, narrow 
streets and adobe walls gave a romantic interest to 
the surroundings of these soldiers. Exhausted by 
the long marches across the plains, and the presence 
of an army, and the crowds of strangers flocking to 
the capital to supply its needs, and become citizens 
with the Americans, gave unwonted life to the town 




ALONG THE LINK OF MAKCII. 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 281 

which suddenly became populous with twelve thou- 
sand inhabitants. 

One of the soldiers thus describes Santa Fe at the 
time of its occupation by the Americans: "The 
great square or plaza, level, unpaved and rather 
sandy, has on each side an accequia or canal, with 
rows of small cottonw^ood trees. This has a very 
pleasing effect in a hot, dry and barren country. 
It is further adorned with very comfortable porti- 
coes, portales on three sides, including the palace. 
These are extensions of the flat roofs to the edge of 
the sidewalk, where they are supported by round 
pillars, which are white-washed. They serve as the 
only shelter for the market, and are lined with 
shops, nearly all kept by Americans. One or two 
streets are similarly improved, but in a general way 
are narrow and present to the passenger only a 
plain and nearly continuous wall; each extensive 
house having only a large, strong, folding door, and 
one or two windows; these have invariably a pro- 
jecting frame and turned wooden bars, a sash sel- 
dom glazed, and strong shutters opening inward. 

"On our first Sunday the bells invited us to wor- 
ship. I went to the parochial church; although 
built of adobes, it is sufficiently lofty, and has two 
steeples, or towers, in which hang three or four bells. 
With the usual wax images, it is adorned with nu- 
merous paintings, one or two of some merit. There 
was some music of violin and triangle and no spoken 
service. The streets and shops were thronged, and 
nothing indicated that it was the Lord's day." 

September 2d, General Kearney, with a force of 



282 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

775 monnted troops, made an expedition sonthward 
into the valley of the Rio Grande to quell an insur- 
rection which was reported to have been instigated 
by the deposed Armijo. For sixty miles they 
marched through vineyards laden with the finest 
grapes, and along farms well stocked with fruits, 
while game fowls of many kinds were swarming in 
the Rio Grande. The inhabitants of the Indian Pue- 
blos received them with their traditional festiv- 
ities, dances, races and religious celebrations, and 
the Mexican towns with deputations and military 
salutes. No opposition was encountered for one 
hundred miles, and the expedition having proceeded 
south to St. Tome, returned after twelve days to 
Santa Fe. 

In the meantime Fort Marcy, on the heights above 
Santa Fe, was constructed of adobes by the soldiers 
under Colonel Doniphan, with a. capacity of one 
thousand men. Its guns completely commanded the 
town. Civil government was established. A con- 
stitution and laws for the territory' prepared by 
Colonel Doniphan was translated into Spanish by 
one of the American officers, Captain David Waldo. 
The civil law, as adopted by Spain, was the basis of 
these laws, and the departmental decrees were 
revised and substituted for those which the legisla- 
tion had made. An old governmental printing 
press found in the capital was utilized for the publi- 
cation of these new statutes. General Kearney 
appointed Charles Bent of Taos as the Governor of 
the territory and Francis P. Blair, Jr., as district 
attorney; most of the other officials Avere Mexicans. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



CONSPIRACY AND KEA^OLT. 



^^^^^^1 HEN the American forces in Santa 
S l(^Sl ^^ were placed under the command 
W %/^S| of Colonel Sterling Price, of Mis- 

^ ^^ (fr^^ll souri (who arrived with 1200 men 

^^^^^^^j and several pieces of artillery, on 
the 28th of September, 1846), General Kearney 
received instructions to proceed westward to the 
Pacific and occupy California. He accordingly set 
out on this expedition, with an inadequate force, on 
the 25tli of September. He was met, 150 miles 
west of Santa Fe, with the news that Commodore 
Stockton and General Fremont had taken possession 
oi California and established a territorial govern- 
ment over it. General Kearney, however, continued 
his march to the coast, and subsequently engaged in 
conflicts witli Mexican troops, who endeavored to 
recover that territory from the Americans. 

The troops in Santa Fe suffered much from sick- 
ness and insufficient accommodations. Santa Fe was 
filled with visitors, traders, mountaineers, Mexicans 
and Indians, and 3500 soldiers. Its population was 



L\S4 COXSP/R.icy AND HKVOLr. 

now estimated at 14,000 people. Detaclmients of 
troops and horses were accordingly sent to points 
suitable for grazing, eastward and southward, and 
Colonel Doniphan, Oct. 26th, before marching south 
to subjugate Chihuahua, was ordered to make an 
expedition to the Navajo country to bring that pow- 
erful tribe of Indians to submission. This expedi- 
ti(.)n was full of hardships and perils, but resulted in 
a treaty with the Navajoes, by which they promised 
to refrain from future Avars against the people of 
New Mexico. 

Colonel Doniphan, after his return from the Nav- 
ajo country, gathered his forces to march into old 
Mexico, and on the 14th of December, this expedi- 
tion set out upon its remarkable adventures and 
brilliant victories. 

Colonel Price had in his command 2,000 troops in 
different parts of New Mexico. Unaccustomed to 
the restraints of a severe military discipline, they 
gave themselves up to gayety and dissipation. Many 
Mexican citizens cherished great hatred against the 
Americans and the new order of things, and in 
nightly gatherings within the thick adobe walls of 
their houses, they plotted the overthrow of the 
American government. They determined to unirder 
all who had accepted office under the Americans and 
nominated among themselves Don Thomas Ortiz for 
Governor, and Don Die2:o Archuleta as commander 
of their forces. The American troops were scattered 
and demoralized by these excesses, in which they 
were encouraged by the watchful ^lexicans. The 
rino-inu- of the church bells at Santa Fe, on Christ- 




KINGING THE CHURCH BELLS AT SANTA FE. 



CONSPIRACY AND REVOLT. 287 

mas eve, was the appointed signal fur the uprising 
all over the territory. Conimnnication with dis- 
tant places was arranged by signal fires and swift 
runners. 

The plot was revealed by a Mexican woman to 
Colonel Price, those principally concerned in it were 
arrested, and the conspiracy apparently defeated. 
Governor Bent issued a pacific proclamation to the 
people, but their crafty leaders and the priests who 
were in sympathy with them, continued to plot 
against the government. Another outbreak was 
arranged for January 2 2d, 1847. Secret orders 
were issued by Jesus Tafolla, Antonio Maria Trujillo, 
Juan Antonio Garcia and Don Pedro Vigil, the 
chief conspirators and officers, to leaders at different 
points in New Mexico, to concentrate their forces at 
Santa Fe, which was to be attacked, and to exterm- 
inate the Americans and those friendly to . them in 
distant parts of the territory. On the 14th of Janu- 
ary the insurrection began by the murder of Gov- 
ernor Bent and six other territorial officials, by 
Mexicans and Pueblo Indians, while on their way U) 
Taos. On the same day seven Americans were 
cruelly slain at Arroyo Hondo, four others at Mora 
and two at Rio Colorado. By the 23d of January 
the insurgents had increased to a thousand, and 
occupied heights near Canada, a small town about 
fifteen miles north of Santa Fe, near the Rio Grande. 
Colonel Price marched against them with four 
mountain howitzers and three hundred and fifty dis- 
mounted troops. He attacked the rebels stationed 
on the heights and in some adobe houses at the foot 



288 CONSPIItACY AND REVOLT. 

of the hills. This engagement continued from two 
o'clock till after sunset, and the insurgents were 
routed, fleeing in the direction of Taos, with a loss 
of thirty-six of their number killed. 

On the 29th they were encountered again at 
Embudo, holding the mountain slopes overhanging 
the road, where a narrow gorge covered by brush- 
wood, strongly defended them from attack. Price's 
men again boldly assaulted their position, rapidly 
firing as they climbed the sides of the mountain, 
and put the enemy to flight with a loss of twenty 
killed and sixty wounded. The town of Embudo 
surrendered to the Americans, and they pushed on 
in pursuit of the rebels through snow two feet deep, 
which they trampled down for the passage of their 
artillery and supply wagons. 

The insurgents took refuge in the Pueblo de Taos, 
which was enclosed in formidable walls. Here were 
two large buildings six or seven stories high, each 
capable of sheltering five or six hundred men. A 
lartre church situated in the north-west ano-le rose 
near the outer wall. All the buildings and the 
outer walls were pierced for rifles, and the walls at 
various points were flanked by projecting buildings. 

In this castle-like town the insurgents were shel- 
tered by the Pueblos, who joined with them in 
resisting the attacks of the Americans for two days. 
They had taken their strongest position in the 
church, and Colonel Price selected for attack its 
western wing, upon which from a battery 250 yards 
distant, he opened fire on the afternoon of Feb. 3d. 
The cold and fatigue caused the troops to withdraw 




A YOUNG PUEJiLO IIUNTEK. 



CONSPIRACY AND REVOLT. 291 

till the next morning to San Fernando. But on the 
4th they returned to the capture of the town. The 
artillery was posted again on the west flank of the 
church. The mounted men took position on the 
opposite side of the town to cut off the retreat of 
the insurgents toward the mountain. The rest of 
the command was posted three hundred yards from 
the northern wall with a six-pounder and two how- 
itzers. The front and eastern flank of the church 
were thus exposed to a double fire from two direc- 
tions, yet for two hours it seemed ineffectual on the 
walls of the church. The troops then charged with 
axes upon the western and northern walls, and also 
set fire to the roof. Captain Burgeoin, commanding 
the attack on the west, in attempting to force the 
front door of the building was mortally wounded 
while thus exposed. The effort was fruitless. The 
western wall was, however, pierced sufficiently by 
this time to hurl shells by hand within the building. 
The six-pounder gun, which had been pouring grape 
shot into the town, was now posted within sixty 
yards of the church and effected a large breach in 
the walls. This was widened by axes, and a storm- 
ing party entered and took possession of the church, 
which was so filled with dense smoke that they were 
j)rotected from the destructive fire that would 
otherwise have been directed against them. The 
insurgents now retired from the western part of the 
town, seeking protection in the houses and escaping 
also to the mountains, but pursued by mounted vol- 
unteers. Fifty-one of them were shot down. 

The next morning the vanquished rebels sued for 



292 CONSPIRACY AND UBVOLT. 

peace, which was granted on the condition that they 
should deliver up Thomas, one of the murderers of 
Governor Bent, and chief instigators of the rebel- 
lion. One hundred and fifty insurgents were killed 
of the seven hundred engaged in the battle of 
Pueblo de Taos. Their wounded were not known 
by the Americans, who lost seven in killed, and 
forty-five wounded. 

The insurrection extended over the northern and 
eastern parts of New Mexico. The American garri- 
son at Las Vegas, by their presence saved that town 
from scenes of bloodshed. A number of grazintr 
camps in tlio vicinity were attacked and the animals 
stolen, and several sutler and army trains were 
robbed. At Mora eight Americans were murdered. 
One hundred and fifty insurgents held this town, 
and Captain Hendley, of the Missouri Volunteers, 
marched from Las Vegas Avith eighty men to avenge 
theh' death. There was a slight engagement outside 
of the town. Then Hendley entered it and fought 
from house to house. He had succeeded in taking 
one end of the fort with several men, when he was, 
with his followers, shot down b}^ its defenders. As 
rebel reinforcements Avere approaching the town, 
the x\merican troops were withdrawn to Las Vegas, 
leaving twenty of the enemy slain, at Mora. Hend- 
ley' s death was avenged by the destruction of the 
town on February 1st, by Captain Merwin. 

The New Mexicans and Indians now turned to the 
attacking and robbing of grazing camps, and cap- 
tured on the Mora River two hundred horses. An 
expedition to recover these under the command of 



CONSPIRACY AND REVOLT. 29.'} 

Major Edmiindson led to a severe engagement in a 
deep caiion of the Canadien River. Four hundred 
insurgents covered the hills on each side, but the 
Americans fought their way through the caiion, slay- 
ing forty-one of the insurgents and re-capturing the 
horses. The same officer also surprised the town 
of Las Vallas, where several Americans had been 
murdered. Forty prisoners were taken and sent to 
Santa Fe for trial, a number of whom, attempting 
to escape, were killed. 

Colonel Price, during the summer, received a large 
reinforcement of Missouri troops. His force num- 
bered three thousand men. The progress of the war 
in Mexico was wholly in favor of the Americans, 
and the inhabitants of New Mexico finally yielded to 
their destiny. 

Of the leaders of the revolt who met with the due 
reward of their treachery and crime, Montoya and 
Chavez were killed at Caiiada and Taos, Trujillo 
was hung as a traitor, and Thomas Ortiz shot in a 
private quarrel with his guard, while imprisoned at 
Taos. So effectually was this rebellion crushed, 
that no other attempt by the New Mexicans was 
ever made to return to independence. 



PERIOD VIII. 



NEW MEXICO IN THE CIVIL 
WAR. 



1802 TO 1868. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 




T' 



^HE invasion of New Mex- 
ico by the troops of the 
Southern Confederacy oc- 
curred during the months 
of February, March and 
April, 1862. It was part 
of a grand campaign which 
had been early planned by 
the leaders of secession, to 
take possession of the im- 
mense mineral resources of 
the south-west and the 
Pacific coast, and thus supply 
the Southern Confederacy with wealth which should 
not only be the basis of their credit and give valuo 
to paper currency and bonds, but furnish the mate- 
rial with which to build up immense manufacturing 
interests to rival the mechanical industries of the 
Northern States. 

Bordering upon the vast country of Texas was 
the equal area of New Mexico and Arizona, with a 
native population of foreign language and customs, 

297 



298 THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 

who were not supposed since their conquest to have 
become Americanized enough to confirm their loy- 
alty to the United States. The presence of Con- 
federate forces within their borders was to be the 
signal of a movement for the voluntary annexation 
of these great territories, which would thenceforth 
hardly need to be held as conquered provinces, and 
the same army augmented by New Mexican allies, 
was to be led to the capture of Colorado. Utah, 
with the open hostility of the Mormon hierarchy to 
the United States, would add new strength to the 
movement, which in a great campaign would take 
in Nevada and the glittering prizes of northern and 
southern California. The unequalled ports of San 
Francisco and San Diego would make of the South- 
ern Confederacy the proudest maritime power of the 
world, with an immense stretch of sea coast on the 
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and the Gulf of Mexico, 
to which would flow the commerce of the Orient and 
of every other country and shore. 

It was the boldest, and most comprehensive 
scheme ever plotted b}' the leaders of the rebellion, 
and one of the first to be put into execution. 

The meagre resources of the Confederacy allowed 
only an unpretentious outlay for the beginning of 
this grand enterprize. It was started within the 
borders of Texas, from which New Mexico was to be 
drawn first into the Confederacy. To conquer the 
military posts of the United States in the territory, 
an expedition was ordered to be fitted out, as early 
as September, 1861, but as late as January, 1862, it 
consisted only of two and a half regiments, poorly 



THE CONFEDERATE LWASION. 299 

armed, thinly clad, and almost destitute of blankets. 
Brigadier-General H. H. Sibley was in command of 
this poorly-equipped brigade. Small-pox and pneu- 
monia had reduced the ranks, the ravages of which 
had been greatly increased by the failure of the 
quartermaster's funds to obtain necessary supplies. 

However, it was determined to enter New Mexico 
as quickly as possible, trusting largely to the capture 
of United States government stores, and the friendly 
aid of the inhabitants for the needed subsistence of 
the troops. 

A hospital for the sick was established at Dona 
Ana, in Texas, and during the first week in February 
the troops were marched toward old Fort Thorne. 

On the 7th of February, a mov^ement was contin- 
ued to a point seven miles below Fort Craig, and on 
February 16tli, a reconnoissance in force advanced to 
within a mile of the fort, and offered a battle on the 
open plain. General Sibley's effective force did not 
exceed 1750 men in the held, though 2600 were on 
service. There were three rei]!:iments of Texas cav- 
airy, two batteries of Texas light artillery and one 
battalion of another cavalry regiment, who thus 
confronted at Fort Craig the Federal army, aggrega- 
ting 3,810 troops. These consisted of eleven com- 
panies' of United States infantry, seven companies, of 
United States cavalry, a company of Colorado volun- 
teers, the first regiment of New Mexico volunteers 
under Colonel Carson, fifteen companies of Graydon's 
spy company, and 1,000 hastily collected and unor- 
ganized militia. 

General E. R. S. Canby was in command of the 



300 THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 

United States forces, and strenuously sought to pre- 
vent an engagement Avitli the Texans in open field, 
through distrust of the ability of the militia and 
New Mexico volunteers to sustain any movement 
under the enemy's fire. 

Fort Craig was situated on the west bank of the 
Rio Grande. Opposite to it was the termination of 
a rock}^ mesa, from ioviy to sixty feet high, extend- 
ing from seven miles below the fortress. This could 
be asceiuled by a bridle path, but at only one point 
over a road suitable for artillery. This mesa, cov- 
ered with malpie projecting into the valle}' at one 
point only 1.000 feet from the post, if occupied by 
batteries could easily command the fortification. 

Another mesa, three miles long and two miles 
wide, stood above Fort Craig, rising 300 feet above 
the level of the valley. The river can be approached 
at the soutliern and also at the northern end of this 
mesa, affording good location for camps beyond the 
reach of the artiller}^ of the Fort. 

The malpie was covered with sand ridges, from 
which protruded beds of lava. These ridges ran par- 
allel to the course of the river, and the ravines 
between them Avere excellent covers for the move- 
ments of troops, and secure from attack by reason of 
the rough intervening ground, afforded great advan- 
tages to an enemy. 

General Sibley discovered by his advance on the 
16th of February, that it was impossible to attack 
Fort Craig from the front with his light batteries, 
and that the Federals were unwilling to engage in 
open battle. He therefore determined to cross the 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 303 

Rio Grande to the east bank, flank the fort and force 
a battle at the recrossing above it. This required 
the crossing of the river in full view of the Federals, 
camping a mile and a half from the fort and directly 
opposite to it, till the next day, without water, and 
the following day to fight a battle. 

The first crossing was accomplished on the 20th 
of February without any interruption. A camp was 
made in one of the ravines in the midst of a grove 
of pines. During the day General Canby ordered 
about 2500 men to cross the river and draw the fire 
of the Confederates so as to ascertain their position 
in the ravine. The Texans deployed as skirmishers 
and directed a few shots against the Federals, which 
threw the New Mexico volunteers into confusion,* 
but as the night was approaching the fighting 
was not long continued at this point. The volunteers 
were withdrawn under a demonstration made by the 
Federal cavalry, which was repelled by the Texans 
on the Confederate right. The Federal artillery and 
cavalry crossed the river and re-entered the fort, but 
their infantry was stationed so as to prevent the 
Texans from occupying the point opposite to the 
fort. 

A serious loss overtook the Texans in the night. 
Their animals being imperfectly guarded, broke loose 

*Gen. Canby (U, S. A.) says in his report of the first day's operations: 
" Preparations for the attack were made, and skirmishers thrown forward 
for the purpose of drawing the fire of his (the Confederate) batteries and 
developing his position. This was accomplished, but one of the volunteer 
regiments (Pino's) was thrown into such utter confusion by a few harmless 
cannon shots that it was impossible to restore them to any kind of order. 
This and the near approach of night rtjndered it inexpedient to continue 
the attack," 



304 THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 

and ran wildl}^ to the river for water. More than 
two hundred horses and mules were captured the 
next morning and brought into the fort. This inter- 
fered seriousl}^ with the movements of the Confeder- 
ate supply train, part of wliich was abandoned, 
while the rest was moved over the sand hills. 
But the wagons thus lost contained all the blankets, 
books, papers and camp utensils of the Fourth 
Texan cavalry regiment, commanded by Colonel 
William R. Scurry, one of the most effective portions 
of their little invading army. 

On the morning of tlie 21st the Texans held the 
position assigned to them the night before, and Gen- 
eral Sibley, who had been too ill to direct the pre- 
liminary movements, now assumed command in 
person, taking the saddle at daybreak in order to 
bring; on a battle at the crossing; without dekiA-. 
The Fifth and part of the. Seventh regiment of cav- 
alrj^ and Teel's battery were ordered to make a 
strong movement on the foi't, while an equal force 
under Colonel Scurry was directed to make a careful 
but steady aj)})roach toward the u})per ford of the Rio 
Grande. At eight o'clock the movement of the Tex- 
ans toward the river was discovered by General 
Canb}^, who ordered Colonel Roberts, with the United 
States regular and the volunteer cavalry to occupy 
the ford. 

He was followed by four pieces of McRae's bat- 
tery, two twenty-four-pounder howitzers, two com- 
panies of infantry and two selected companies of 
^•olunteers. while Graydon's sp}' com})aMy and live 
hundred mounted militia were dispatched to the 



TSE CONFEDERATE WVASIOK. 305 

eastern bank of the river to threaten the Confeder- 
ate flank and watch their movements. 

No Federals were seen in the vicinity of the river 
when Pyron's battalion of 250 Texan cavalry reached 
its banks, and they proceeded to water their horses, 
which for twenty-fonr hours had been without water. 
The groves of pine and cottonwood in the Valverde 
bottomlands near the river concealed the movements 
of the opposing forces from each other.* 

* It has recently been stated by Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Chavoz, one of 
the officers of Colonel Carson's regiment, of the New Mexico volunteers, 
that there were no groves for shelter of the troops, or trees for the conceal- 
ment of their movements; and he attempts to justify his assertions by the 
present treeless condition of the land around Valverde. The official 
reports of both the Federal and Confederate officers in command at the 
battle of Valverde are directly contradictory to this criticism. Colonel 
Benj. S. Roberts, commanding the Fifth New Mexico infantry, says: "On 
reaching the crossing at the foot of the mesa of the Contadero, I discov- 
ered that the Confederate forces had already reached the river and occu- 
pied the large bosqucs in the Valverde bottom, with quite heavy forces of 
cavalry and several guns. Major Duncan, commanding the regular cavalry 
in advance, promptly crossed the ford, and dismounting his force, com- 
menced the action by skirmishing on foot, and in a spirited and sharp 
skirmish with the Confederates, cleared the bosqiie of their forces, enabling 
me to establish the batteries, to cover the crossing and to shell the enemy 
frovi the heavy timbers he had already seized. A careful examination of 
the field of battle, made by me some months ago, impressed me with the 
importance of seizing and holding the thick bosque at the lower ford, the 
moment I discovered the Confederate forces had reached the river. 
. . . . Having received information that 500 Confederate cavalry had 
crossed the river above and threatened my rear, I placed Colonel Carson's 
regiment in a basque higher up, near the main road to Valverde," &c. 
— Report of Colonel Benj. S. Roberts. 

Major Thos. Duncan, Third U. S. cavalry, says in his report: "I was 
directed by Colonel B. S. Roberts, commanding column to cross the river 
and to hold the bosque on the opposite side, so as to prevent the enemy 
from reaching the water. On arriving at the ford I found two companies 
of Colonel Valder's mounted volunteers. These, as well as my own com- 
mand, were crossed over as promptly as possible; but we had no sooner 
arrived on the river bank than a large force of the enemy's cavalry cou/ii 



306 THE CONI'EDEHaTM MVASIOI^. 

A portion of Colonel Robert's cavalry having 
reached the crossing at the ford of the upper inesa, 
forded the river, and dismounting, posted their horses 
behind a sand ridge about eighty yards from the 
river and parallel to it. These troops were com- 
manded by Major Duncan, who soon had his men 
under cover of the low sand hills, logs and scattering 
trees, where they began a lively skirmish with the 
Texans, whom they quickly drove out of the woods 
at the crossing, and Duncan planted his guns in 
the heavy timber where they could shell the Texans 
and command the ford by their fire. 

The Texans endeavored to ascertain the number 
of troops thus holding the -ground, but were repelled 
by the sharpshooters, and left in doubt as to the 

de seen in the woods, a fezv hutidred yards to our front As the 

enemy were greatly superior in numbers, had the advantage of a thick cover 
of timber, and by this time had brought up a piece of artillery and put it 
into position at close range to my front and right, I saw that it would be folly 
to move forward and attack him ; I therefore dismounted my command." 

Colonel Kit Carson, in a rery brief report, Feb. 26th, 1862, says "his 
column, supported by the gun on the right, was moving forward to sweep 
the 'ivood near the hills, when I received the order to retreat and recross the 
river." 

The frequent allusions to "bosque," "groves," "woods," "timber" and 
"trees," both pine and Cottonwood, in their reports by both Colonel Canby, 
commanding U. S. forces, Colonel B. S. Roberts, Major Duncan and Col- 
onel Carson, are conclusive evidence in support of the statements made 
by the author in these pages. They are confirmed also by General H. H. 
Sibley, C. S. A., commanding, who says : " The forces of the enemy were 
kept well concealed in the bosque (or grove) above the fort, and within the 
walls." The other Confederate officers, in reports also made at the time, 
speak of "woods" and "cottonwood trees" on the plain — Major C. L. 
Pyron, C. S. A., Feb. 27th, 1862; and Colonel Thomas Green, C. S. A., 
Feb. 22d, 1862: "At the command to charge, our men leaped over the 
sand bank, which had served as a good covering to them, and dashed over 
the open plain, thinly interspersed with cottonwood trees, upon the battery 
and infantry in front." 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 307 

strength of the Federals. The Texans, however, soon 
began to concentrate on this point the reinforce- 
ments Avhich were coming down from the mesa. 
Finding that it was an exceedingly important posi- 
tion, a vigorous fight began to secure and hold it. 
On this position turned the final issue of the battle. 
Three attempts to dislodge Roberts and Duncan were 
made during the forenoon. Pyron's battalion and 
Scurry's Fourth Regiment dismounted, for two hours 
fought the Federals, who effectively used their guns 
and howitzers, to resist their assault and silence a 
light gun of the Texans. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon the Confederates 
brought up two heavier guns, under the command of 
Captain Teel, and severely pounded the Federal left. 
The artillery firing grew more fierce since the Fed- 
erals soon had eight pieces in action, disabling all 
but five gunners at the Texan guns. The Texans 
brought up some howitzers which did effective ser- 
vice during the day, and Scurry held his right with 
two pieces till he was supported by another regi- 
ment of Texan cavalry. 

General Sibley was obliged early in the afternoon 
to give the command to Colonel Green, through 
exhaustion from recent sickness and the constant 
strain of the forenoon's battle. His troops were in 
a strong position behind a sand ridge, which covered 
his guns and men from the Federal shots, and 
shielded them from observation. 

General Cauh}- attempted to force the Confederate 
left fiank l)y a strong force of artillery, dismounted 
cavalry- and regular infantry, with a mounted 



im THE CONFEDERATE mVASIOA''. 

squadron of volunteers in reserve. Pivoting on the 
left of his line Canhj^'s right and center were moving 
np to enfilade the position of the Confederates, when 
Lang's Fifth Texan cavahy made a charge on Dun- 
can's Federal battalion. This attack of the lancers 
was bravely resisted and caused them great loss; 
but the Federals being brought under the fire of the 
Confederate guns, suffered greatly while pursuing 
the Texans to the second range of hills, and were 
forced to retreat. Carson's New Mexican troops 
also repelled a column of Texans, charging upon a 
twenty-four-pounder gun. and severely beat them. 
Shortly before sunset an order came to the Confed- 
erates to charge all along the line. Suddenly' dart- 
ing from behind the ridge, the Texans dashed with 
ringing shouts upon McRae's battery of six guns, 
which was supported l)y cohnnns of infantry and 
cavalry, from which grape, canister and musket balls 
were pouring upon their foes impetuousl}^ advanc- 
ing upon them. 

The Texans were approaching in a circular seg- 
ment half a mile long, enveloping the left, front and 
part of the right of the battery. Armed only w4th 
double-barrelled fowling pieces and revolvers, with 
daring unsurpassed, they faced the deadly hail of 
missiles. 

General Canby ordered Plympton, with four com- 
panies of regulars and one compau}' of Colorado vol- 
unteers, to hasten to the support of McRae's guns. 
The volunteers supporting this battery on the other 
side gave way in a panic, and rushing through 
Plympton's line, carried his ranks away with them 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 311 

in their flight. Some of tlie regulars, however, 
rushed in upon the battery and drove the storming 
party back for a little distance, protecting the fugi- 
tives who were crossing the river. 

Lord's squadron of cavalry now charged upon the 
Texans, who had regained the battery, and the cav- 
alry flinched under the fire of the guns, which were 
now used most effectively upon the Federals. There 
was desperate fighting around the guns. The artil- 
lery men contended with revolvers, and the infantry 
with muskets, at close quarters, till half the Fed- 
erals supporting the batteries had fallen, and they 
were driven from the ground by fresh troops of the 
Confederacy. 

But Wingate's battalion now came forward on the 
double-quick, making the Texans recoil before their 
unexpected attack and sharp firing. Reinforcements, 
however, opportunely arrived to steady their con- 
fused ranks. 

Colonel Roberts had led the Federal right too far 
toward the sand-hills, in pursuit of the Texans. His 
lines were broken, and General Canby ordered a 
retreat, protecting the troops from other parts of 
the field as they crossed the river. Roberts skill- 
fully directed this withdrawal from the face of the 
enemy. The wounded were borne back from the 
hills; the ammunition wagons and even the arms 
of the fallen men were saved. 

On the west bank of the river the regular troops, 
who had retreated from the fighting on the other 
side, were collected and ordered into the fort. Pino's 
New Mexican volunteers were in terrible disorder, 



312 THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 

and could not be rallied into line.* Only one regi- 
ment had entered into the fight across the river. A 
hundred men had deserted from his command and 
fled to the hills. The regular cavalry gathered in 
the stragglers and, under a flag of truce, removed 
the dead and wounded, and the whole command 
were returned to the protection of the fort. 

But the Federal losses were serious. Sixty-eight 
had been killed, one hundred and sixty wounded and 
thirty-five were missing. Three prominent oflicers, 
among whom was Captain McRae, one of the most 

* " Orders were accordingly sent to Captain Selden to fall back slowly 
and cover the retreat, and to the other commanders to recross the river. 
The movement of Selden's column, four companies of the Fifth infantry, 
in the immediate presence and under the fire of the enemy, was admirably 
executed, the command moving with deliberation, halting occasionally to 
allow the wounded to keep up with it, and many of the men picking up 
and carrying with them the arms of their dead comrades. The other 
columns, under the personal superintendence of Colonel Roberts, crossed 
over without disorder, confusion or loss. 

" On the west bank of the river, the troops that had escaped from the 
battle were found to be much scattered, but the regular troops were easily 
collected and sent forward in the direction of the fort. Pino's regiment 
— of which only one company (Sena's) and part of another, could be 
induced to cross the river — was in the wildest confusion, and no efforts of 
their own officers, or of my staff, could restore any kind of order. More 
than loo men from this regiment deserted from the field." — Report of 
Colonel Ed. R. S. Canby, U. S. A., commanding. 

" The battle was fought almost entirely by the regular troops (trebled in 
number by the Confederates), with no assistance from the militia, and but 
little from the volunteers, who would not obey orders, or obeyed them too 
late to be of any service. The immediate cause of the disaster at Valverde 
was the refusal of one of the volunteer regiments to cross the river and 
support the left wing of the army. The contemporary operations of the 
right wing were eminently successful, but the confusion produced by the 
loss of the battery could not be remedied in season to retrieve the fortunes 
of the day. The retreat was effected in good order, and without further 
loss."— Reports of Colonel Ed. R. S. Canby, U. S. A. Feb. 23d, 1862 — 
March 1st, 1862, 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 313 

brilliant and valiant in the service, had fallen while 
defending their guns. The Texans lost thirty-six 
killed and one hundred and fifty wounded. 

Valverde was a complete victory for the invaders. 
They were strongly posted and their forces easily 
concentrated, but their valor was beyond question. 
These troops were handled with great skill, support- 
ing with timely reinforcements those holding the 
hardest positions. When charging all along the line, 
they showed the determination and reckless disre- 
gard of death and wounds, for which Texan troops 
have always been famous. Some of their principal 
officers, like the heroic Colonel Sutton and Major 
Lockridge, fell within twenty paces of the batteries, 
to capture which they were leading their equally 
valiant troops. The Seventh Texas cavalry, in the 
front of the charging line, captured seven pieces of 
artillery and numerous small arms. 

Two days were occupied by the Texans in burying 
the dead and caring for the wounded. The Federals 
made no efforts to renew the battle. General Sib- 
ley's men were left by the loss of their transporta- 
tion with only five days' rations. It was perilous to 
attack the fort when thus destitute of provisions, 
and a council of war decided to push forward up 
the river as fast as possible to a point where sup- 
plies could be procured. 

A march' of thirty miles brought the Confederates 
to Socorro, where the sick and wounded found com- 
fortable quarters, and reaching Albuquerque, they 
met no opposition from the United States troops, 
who had evacuated the town, leaving in their haste 



314 THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 

ample subsistence for the Texans in the hands of 
some of the inhabitants who were not unfriendly. 

At Cubero, sixty miles west of Albuquerque, there 
was a depot of commissary and ordnance stores, 
including sixty muskets and 3,000 rounds of am- 
munition, under guard of twenty or thirty New 
Mexican soldiers, with a captain and surgeon in 
charge. Three or four sympathizers with the rebel- 
lion secured the surrender of this post, and turned 
over the stores to the Confederate troops. 

The stores at Albuquerque were in charge of 
Assistant-Quartermaster Captain Herbert M. Enos. 
On the 1st of March, he learned that the Texan 
force, numbering 400 cavalry, had reached the town 
of Belen, thirty-five miles south of Albuquerque. All 
the ammunition wagons were at once started toward 
Santa Fe, and in the evening the rest of the stores 
were set on fire and the soldiers ordered to overtake 
the wagons. The burning provisions were rescued 
b}^ the inhabitants, and some of the wagons were 
captured near the Sandia mountains. 

The most valuable supplies were, however, at 
Santa Fe, and Major Pyron was dispatched thither 
with a sufficient force to capture the capital city. 
But the Federal officers had, on the 4th of March, 
sent forward to Fort Union a train of 120 wagons, 
under a strong escort, and finding Santa Fe unten- 
able, had evacuated the city before the arrival of the 
Confederates. 

General Sibley now determined to concentrate all 
his troops at Santa Fe, and make a similar move- 
ment upon Fort Union to that which had been so 



THE CONFEDERATE INVASION. 315 

successful on Fort Craig. In a few days the sick 
and wounded were placed in comfortable quarters, 
at Fort Marcy, and his troops were supplied with 
clothing and food, his supply trains replenished, and 
restocked with fresh animals. A regiment of cav- 
alry were ordered to take the Gallisteo pass, and 
hold it, while the rest of the troops were coming up 
from the south. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

KNHJAGEMENTS Al" Al'ACUK I ANON AND PIGKON's 
RANCH UKTK'KAT OF THE I ONFKDKKATES. 



^' j_^^ ^^1"^ HPi exciting reports of the occu- 
py W^ (\ P'^^^^'^^ '■^^" ^'^"^^' ^lexico by a Con- 
I 11^ ^^ M ("(.'(lerato anny. and the defeat of 
\ % ^^ hirge a force of United States 

A^AJA>?* 1 1 .1 TJRT,TyiP reguhir trooj^s aiul vohmteers at 
Valverde. had aroused the linal people of CoUirado 
to a determined resistance to the further progress ol" 
the rebel arms iu the south-west and to the recap- 
ture of Santa Fe. A regiment of cavah'v and (Mie 
of infantry had been organized in Cokn'ado. and 
phvced under the t'ouimand of Cokmel J. M. Chiving- 
ton, who set out ^vith a force of 418 men to aid the 
loyal people of New ^h'xico to resist this invasiou. 
Tliese yohniteer troops marched from Bernal Springs 
on the !2Gth of March, to recaptiuv Santa Fe froui 
the small Confederate force which was reported to 
hold it. They unexpectedly met Major Pyron with 
his Texan troops at Apache cauon. and a sharj) 
engagement ensued. 

The Colorado troops had made a march of thirty- 

310 



RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 317 

five miles from the old Pecos Cliurch, when at mid- 
night they discovered the presence of Confederate 
pickets. The next morning, these were surprised 
and captured, and also two Confederate lieutenants. 
As the Federals moved forward into the canon, a 
battery of two pieces, holding a good position in 
tlie road, opened upon them with grape and shell. 
Apache canon is a gorge ten miles long, with hills 
from one to two thousand feet high on either side, 
and within close cannon-shot of each other. In 
some places one could not be out of the range of 
gun-shot in any position. The sides of the canon 
were covered with low cedar and pine trees, afford- 
ing good shelter to attacking parties. 

The Colorado troops, finding themselves under a 
destructive fire from the Texan guns, deployed two 
companies of sixty men each as skirmishers on the 
mountain side to the left, and one company likewise 
advanced on the higher ground on the right. 

The cavalry was unable to charge till the guns 
were silenced, and the Federal skirmishers from the 
steep sides of the caiion plyed them so vigorously 
with their musketry firing, that the Texan gunners 
were compelled to withdraw their pieces to a point 
one and a half miles within the gorge, where they 
took a better position, and by occupying both sides 
of the canon with their own riflemen, effectively 
supported the guns which commanded the canon 
before them. 

The Federal troops advanced in the same order as 
before, deploying to the right and left and holding 
a company of cavalry under Captain Cook ready to 



318 RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 

charge as soon as the Confederates should give 
way. 

For an hour the opposing infantry kept up a stub- 
born firing, when Captain Downing, commanding 
the Federals on the right, succeeded in partly flank- 
ing the enemy's position. As they showed signs of 
retreat Captain Cook made a quick charge with his 
cavalry, running the Texans down under the horses' 
feet. At the same time from the right they were 
sharply pressed by Downing' s men, and the Texans 
were driven up another gorge on the left side of the 
main canon, where Captains Wyncoop and Anthony 
received them with such vigorous volleys as to com- 
pel about seventy of the Texans to surrender. The 
sun had now set and the shadows were deepening in 
the cailon. Fearing reinforcements would overtake 
them in the darkness, the Federals gathered up their 
fallen comrades and fell back to Pigeon's ranch, 
where they encamped. Five were killed and four- 
teen wounded of the Colorado troops in this engage- 
ment. The Texans suffered much more, losing 
seventy-one prisoners, thirty-five killed and forty- 
three wounded. 

On March 28th the Colorado troops marched to 
the old Pecos Church, where they were joined by 
Colonel Tappan with the rest of Colonel Slough's 
command, which had made a forced march of forty- 
five miles from Bernal Springs. These reinforce- 
ments consisted of three companies of the Fourth 
New Mexico volunteers, Lewis' battalion of Fifth 
Infantry, Ritter's battery of four guns, Claflin's 
battery of four small howitzers and Ford's com- 



RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 319 

pany of the Second Colorado volunteers. The entire 
force, thus increased to 1312 men, was commanded 
by Colonel John P. Slough, of Colorado. 

On the 28th these troops moved toward Apache 
canon, and Major Chivington, with about 400 men, 
was ordered to ascend its heights and reconnoiter 
the Confederate force stationed at Johnson's ranch. 

A march of sixteen miles over a broken country 
and without a road for half the distance brought 
them to an elevated point in sight of the ranch. 

A wagon train was corralled in the vicinity of the 
ranch, guarded by one field-piece and two hundred 
men. It contained the supplies of the Confederates 
and consisted of eighty wagons. Perceiving the 
importance of its capture. Major Chivington ordered 
Major Wyncoop's company to pick off the gunners, 
while the rest of his men advanced upon the train 
at double quick. The gun was captured and spiked. 
The wagons and buildings were quickly surrounded, 
and seventeen prisoners captured, with thirty horses 
and mules. 

The wagons vv^ere heavily loaded with ammunition, 
clothing, food and forage, and were immediately 
burned and their contents destroyed. The Texans 
offered a spirited resistance to this attack and did 
not yield this invaluable train to their assailants till 
they had lost twenty-seven men killed and sixty- 
three wounded. Among the latter was the Confed- 
erate chaplain, who was seriously wounded while 
holding a white flag in his hand. 

By the loss of this train Lieutenant Scurry's Texan 
regiment was so crippled that they were for two 



320 RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 

days after the battle of Glorietta, which was fought 
a few miles distant, without food and blankets, and 
were obliged to fall back to Santa Fe, to obtain 
subsistence. 

Colonel Scurry was encamped with about 1,000 
men at Gallisteo on the 26th, when he* was informed 
of the sharp engagement in Apache canon. Called 
upon for reinforcements, in the afternoon, his col- 
umn was formed with great promptness, and in ten 
minutes was on the march, and crossed the mount- 
ains in the night. The men dragged the artillery 
where it was too steep for the horses. 

Scurry's effective force, after detaching the guard 
for his wagon train, which had moved in the direc- 
tion of Johnson's ranch, did not exceed six hundred 
men. and three pieces of artillery. They formed a 
junction with Major Pyrou's command at three 
o'clock in the morning. 

The main column of the Federal troops was 
formed one mile west of Pigeon's ranch in Glorietta 
caiion, which Avas narrow and heavil}^ .wooded. 

Colonel Scurry led his men into position, his infan- 
try extending across the caiion from a fence on their 
left, to pine woods on their right. The cavalry 
was dismounted, and the artillery pushed forward 
toward a slightly elevated ground, and immediately 
opened fire upon the Federals. Pyron was on the 
right, Ragnet in the center and Scurry on the left 
of the Confederate line. 

Colonel Tappan's batteries of eight guns and five 
howitzers were ordered up on the double-quick to 
Avithin four hundred yards of the Texans, his infan- 




AFTER THE SUlJliENDER. 



RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 323 

try deploying to right and left on the hillsides as 
skirmishers. One company was retained to snpport 
the guns. * For half an hour the artillery alone 
fought on both sides, the Texans being concealed in 
the woods, but exposed to the vollies of the Colorado 
skirmishers. The roar of battle within the com- 
paratively narrow canon was terrific. 

On the Confederate left was a gulch running up 
the center of an enclosed field. The Federal infantry, 
under cover of this gulch, attempted to extend their 
line and get into the rear of Scurry's position. Per- 
ceiving this movement, Scurry led his men over the 
fence and across the open field for two hundred 
yards under fire, then dashed into the gulch with 
pistol in hand. There was a deadly struggle for a 
few minutes; then the Federals fell back, taking a 
new position in the rear of the gulch. Ragnet also 
charged his Texans down the center, followed by 
Major Pyron on the left. Thus their whole line was 
pushed forward, while their guns, one of which had 
been disabled by the Federals, were withdrawn from 
the fight. 

The Colorado troops were now in line in front of 
Pigeon's ranch, and the Texans held the Federal 
position at the beginning of the engagement. Col- 
onel Slough, with Tappan ai>d Chapin, ascended 
the hill to reconnoitre for new and more favorable 
positions for their troops, while the fighting was 
being renewed below them. To prevent the capture 
of the Federal train of 120 wagons in their rear, 
which was now threatened, they decided to extend 
the line of skirmishers for nearly three-quarters of 



324 RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 

a mile, in a half-circle across the road on which 
the train was stationed. By this movement they 
repelled for four hours the attempts of small detach- 
ments of the enemy to ascend the hill, while the 
center was hotly engaged with artillery. 

The Confederates now attempted to turn the 
Federal right. Three hundred men gathered in 
front of Tappan's position, which he was ordered by 
Colonel Slough to hold at all hazards. Scurry 
ordered a vigorous charge, when his column was 
within a few paces of Tappan's skirmish line. But 
it was thwarted bj' the gallantry of private Pierce, 
of the Colorado volunteers, who stepped forward 
and shot Major Schropshire, and captured Captain 
Shannon, who were leading the Texans on, just as 
an effective volley from the Federals checked the 
main body of the advancing line. Scurry now in 
person led his men against the Federals at the 
ranch, and Pyron and Ragnet opened a galling fire 
from their guns on the troops on the mountain side, 
driving them back. The Texans charged furiously 
on their center, and the Federals were again driven 
back to a ledge of rocks behind the ranch, protected 
by eight guns of Tappan's batteries, which hurled 
canister and grape shot with sad effect on the impet- 
uons Texans, fearlessly advancing upon them. 

The Confederates, elated by their success, now 
determined to capture this battery, but the troops 
supporting the guns contested, inch by inch, the 
ground- they held. The Texan right and center 
doubled upon their left, to concentrate their utmost 
strength. Their intrepid and dauntless leaders. 



RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 825 

Pyron and Ragnet, were everywhere inspiring their 
men, who pushed forward till the muzzles of their 
guns crossed those of the Federals among the rocks. 
Nothing could withstand such valor, and the Fed- 
erals withdrew their guns one after another, with 
their Wagons, under cover of the night, and yielded 
their last position, returning to Kolowski's ranch. 
The exhausted Confederates pursued their retreating 
foes but a short distance. They captured fifteen 
prisoners on the battle-field, where they remained 
during the nio;ht and all of the 29th to care for the 
wounded and bury their dead, during a temporary 
cessation of hostilities arranged for this purpose 
with the Federals. 

The condition of the victorious Texans, after six 
hours of desperate fighting, was painful. Their 
wagon-train was destroyed, and they were without 
food or clothing, so that in a famishing condition 
they fell back to Santa Fe. Their losses in this 
gallantly-fought engagement exceeded that of the 
Federals. Thirty-six were killed and sixty wounded. 
Among their most lamented officers was Major 
Ragnet, who fell in the last fierce charge. The Fed- 
erals lost twenty-eight killed and forty wounded. 

The official reports for both armies were far short 
of the numbers buried in huge trenches on the 
battle-field — the Texans having been forced to leave 
many of their dead to be buried by the Federals. 

This victory was disastrous to the invaders. It 
greatly weakened them in numbers, but it also crip- 
pled their subsequent movements, by the disabling 
of three of their guns, the loss of their ammunition 



326 ^E THE AT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 

^nd supplies, and the sense of the insecurity of their 
position, forced upon them by the presence of the 
Colorado troops and the loyalty to the Union cause 
exhibited by the New Mexicans. 

Colonel Slough led his troops after their defeat 
back to Fort Union, unaware of the withdrawal of 
the Texans from Glorietta canon to Santa Fe. 

The strength and valor of the Texan troops, and 
the serious failure of the Colorado and New Mexico 
volunteers, aided by the regulars of the United 
States army, to crush this ragged and fruitless army 
of invasion, led General Canb}' to plan a combined 
movement of the forces at Fort Craig and Fort 
Union upon' the enemy between them. 

There was but little open sympath}* for the Con- 
federate cause among the people of the territory. 
A few were enthusiastic friends, like the Armijos at 
Albuquerque, native merchants of much influence, 
who gave their stores to subsist the Confederate 
soldiers, amounting to $200,000. The majority of 
the people were loyal to the United States. Many 
had enlisted in the Union service; a few had joined 
the Texan troops. 

On consultation with his officers at Santa Fe, 
where they had remained in possession of the town 
for nearly a month. General Sibley decided to evac- 
uate New Mexico. 

To follow the Rio Grande down to Texas, a part 
of his force was transferred by ferry and ford to its 
west bank, on the 12th of April. These troops 
belonged to the commands of Pyron, Steel and 
Scurry. Colonel Greene descended the river to 



RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 329 

Peralta to find a better ford. This was a place 
opposite to Los Liinas, which was on the west bank, 
where the remainder of the Confederates were halted 
awaiting their comrades. 

General Canby having united the troops of Fort 
Union with his own, by a shorter route through a 
canon after nightfall, overtook Greene's troops and 
in the morning turned his guns upon his camp. 

The Texans, notified of their peril, at once crossed 
the Rio Grande to their relief. Scurry had safely 
made the passage with his artillery and General Sib- 
ley with his staff, when they were cut off from the 
rest of the force by the Federal cavalry and obliged 
to recross the river under a shower of rifle-balls. 
The whole day was spent at Peralta in artillery fir- 
ing, no important movements having been made 
on either side. In the evening the Confederates 
retreated to the west bank and put the river between 
themselves and their pursuers. 

To escape the Federals and save their artillery,* 
the Confederate officers proposed to take advantage 
of a great bend of the river to the west, and having 
abandoned part of the wagon train, to cross the 
mountainous country through caiions, which would 
cut off many miles of marching, and successfully 
elude the Federals, who would be unable to discover 
the direction in which they had disappeared. 

This course was adopted. The movement was 
begun in the night. Seven days' rations were packed 

*The Confederates on evacuating Santa Fe and also Albuquerque, bur- 
ied at night several valuable field pieces near these towns. In 1889, those 
which had been thus concealed at Albuquerque were discovered, and when 
dug up were found to be uninjured. 



330 RETREAT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 

on mules, the wagons abandoned, and all cinn1)i'()us 
baggage dispensed with. The route before them 
was difficult, without water or suitable roads, but 
no obstacle seemed to stagger the confidence of these 
Texans. They carried their guns np steep ascents, 
and dragged them into canons with untiring patience 
and admirable spirit. In ten days, on seven days' 
rations, they reached a point on the river where 
supplies had been ordered to meet them. 

The Rio Grande was rising rapidly, but its pas- 
sage was safely accomplished to the east bank and 
the troops quartered in villages extending from 
Dona Ana to Fort Bliss in Texas. 

The expedition to capture New Mexico was fi'uit- 
less to the Confederacy. The territory remained 
loyal to the Union, and the Texans were greatly 
disappointed in the country and its resources. They, 
however, returned to Texas better clothed and 
equipped for service, acquired from the capture of 
United States stores and army supplies, and their 
prestige in fighting inspired confidence on other 
battle-fields. 



PERIOD IX. 



AMERICAN RULE, 



1865 TO 1878. 



CHAPTER XX. 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 




T 



^HE cunqiiest of New Mexico by 
the United States, with the 
subsequent cession of this terri- 
tory, gave rise to a long series 
of Indian wars. From 1849 to 
1865, the government expended 
about $30,000,000 in the subju- 
gation of the Indians in the 
territories of New Mexico and 
Arizona. The most fierce and 
hostile of these tribes belonged to 
the Apache nation. This people 
had for 300 years dwelt in this 
country, covering vast regions by 
their wanderings. They had thus occupied the most 
widely separated Mexican provinces. Their power 
had been felt in Southern Sonora, in the country 
north of the Gila, in New Mexico, as well as west 
and east of that province. They had occupied Chi- 
huahua, held the basin of the Mapimi and Southern 
California, west of the Colorado river. They had 
roamed over Coahuila, through Texas and the south- 

333 



;i;u yjVAJo .ln7> apachk wars. 

western district of the United States, and swept over 
the whole of Durango. stretching their niurderons 
raids into Zacatecas and New Leon. Tliey origi- 
nated in the northern regions, and belonii;ed to the 
great Athabaskan family. Some of the tribes com- 
ing from this stock were large and powerfnl, and 
they were implacable enemies to the Pneblo peoples 
and also to their Spanish conquerors. The Spanish 
authorities had never been able to control them, nor 
the priests to convert them to the practice of their 
religious rites. Nearly all the tribes of the Atha- 
baskan family remained Pagan, and preserved their 
lawless and savage instincts. Their rejection of 
Christianity increased the hostility of the Mexican- 
Spanish population against them, and led the Pue- 
blos, through their adherence to the religion of the 
ruling classes in the territory, into frequent wars 
with their neighbors. The spirit of the Mexicans 
toward their hereditary enemies of the Apache 
tribes, was not nnich better than that of the sav- 
ages. They invaded each others countries, devas- 
tating corn and wheat tields, bringing back plunder 
of sheep and horses and cattle, and made captive 
women and children, who were alike by the Mex- 
icans, the Navajoes and the other Apaches, treated 
and sold as slaves. 

The authority of the United States was not suffi- 
cient to restrain these outbreaks. During the period 
from the American conquest in 1846 to 1865, for 
only four years were the Indians in New Mexico at 
peace, and then at but short intervals. In 180-3 all 
the Indians in New Mexico and Arizona were hostile. 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WABS. 335 

except a few tribes on the Colorado river. From 
1840 to 1851, there were two expeditions into the 
Navajo country; the first under the command of 
Colonel Washington, and the second under General 
Sumner. There was but little fighting in either 
of these invasions of the Navajo country, and the 
treaties or agreements between these United States 
officers and the chiefs were as ineffectual to secure 
a lasting peace as had been the compact made with 
Colonel Doniphan, who, in 1847, was the first Amer- 
ican officer with command of troops to enforce upon 
them the authority of the United States. 

In the fall of 1851 Colonel Sumner went into the 
Cailon de Clielly with several hundred troops, but 
after marching eight or ten miles, he was glad to 
retreat from it by night. The only good impression 
made on these Navajoes by these expeditions, beyond 
the capture of a few prisoners, was through the 
destruction of their corn-fields in the narrow valleys, 
and the pillage of their cattle and sheep and goats, 
which were turned over to the commissary depart- 
ment for the subsistence of the expedition, at a 
dollar each, paid to the soldiers of the command. 

From 1851 to 1859, there were fewer raids made 
by the Navajoes, and comparative quiet in the terri- 
tory, so that in many sections, considerable progress 
was made in opening up^the mining resources of the 
territory. These miners were, in their scattered loca- 
tions, subsequently, easy victims to savage forays. 

In 1859 war broke out again with the Navajoes, 
and early in 1860 they attacked Fort Defiance, a 
post established in the previous campaign. Colonel 



336 NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

Miles led the forces sent to punish them. In a few 
months he was succeeded by Colonel Bonneville, 
who continued hostilities against them until Dec. 25, 
when a treaty was made, requiring the Indians not 
to pass a certain boundary, nor resist the passage of 
troops who should explore their country. But in 
the summer of 1860 General Canby was obliged to 
take the field against them in a long campaign wdth 
2,000 troops, who were thus engaged through the 
winter, and hostilities again ceased in March, 1861. 
The Navajoes lost 200 warriors, and many cattle 
and horses and sheep, and quite disheartened they 
came into the post to beg for provisions, and peace. 
The troops were not withdrawn from the Navajo 
country till the following July, 1861. 

The Confederate invasion under General Sibley 
required all the troops in the Indian country to be 
withdrawn, and the New Mexican ranches and set- 
tlements were exposed to the unrestrained depreda- 
tions of the Apaches and Navajoes. Near Fort 
Stanton the farms were entirely abandoned. Many 
New Mexican families were murdered, and robbed 
of their stock. The miners were likewise forced to 
flee, and many were overtaken by the merciless 
Indian warriors. 

Brigadier-General James H. Carleton relieved 
General Canby of the command September 18, 1862, 
and successfully conducted military operations in 
New Mexico and Arizona for the next four years. 

The Apaches required his immediate attention. 
Kit Carson was sent to Fort Stanton with five com- 
panies of New Mexican volunteers, to punish the 




NAVAJO INPIAN WITH SILVER ORNAMENT*. 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 339 

Mescalleroes and Navajoes south-west of that post. 
By the unrelenting pursuit of these warriors, they 
were ordered to punish these tribes for their murder- 
ous outrages on the settlers and for breaking their 
treaties of peace. They were to slay the men with- 
out parleying, and capture the w^omen and children 
and hold them as prisoners. 

Carson's first conflict was with a band of Mescal- 
leroes. They killed Jose Largo and Manneleto, two 
of their principal chiefs, and nine men, besides 
wounding several and capturing seventeen horses. 
The Mescalleroes soon discovered that a vigorous 
war was to be made on them and their chiefs, and 
went to Santa Fe with their agent to sue for peace. 
They consented to the terms required of them. 
They were to be removed with their families and 
with all who desired peace, out of the Mescallero 
country to Fort Sumner and the Bosque Redondo on 
the Pecos river, wdiile the hostile Indians were being 
pursued and slain. They were promised protection 
and subsistence at Fort Sumner, till the whole tribe, 
after full submission, could be returned to their 
country, under strict conditions of peace. 

This establishment of the Indian reservation on 
the Pecos, which was thus begun, caused a pro- 
longed controversy between the interior and war 
departments at Washington, and finally received an 
investigation by a committee appointed by Congress. 

There were now two parties among the Mescal- 
leroes. The warring chiefs with their bands contin- 
ued their outrages, and Colonel West, commanding 
the district of Arizona, closed in upon them from 



340 NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

the west and south, co-operating with General Carle- 
ton on the east. Seven chiefs with their families 
and followers, nnmbering one hundred Mescalleroes, 
were transported to Bosque Redondo. They con- 
stituted a portion of the peace party, which was 
rapidly increasing. 

Fort Craig in the Messilla valley was strength- 
ened at the beginning of the year 1863. An expe- 
dition was sent against the Gila Apaches, who were 
fiercelv raiding- the ranches and ruininii; settlements 
at the head of the Mimbres river and the Pinos 
Altos. Magnus Colorado, a notoriously bad chief, 
was captured and brought into Fort McLeon. The 
next day, on pretence of escape, he was killed by 
the guard. Two engagements at the Pinos Altos 
mines resulted in the loss of fortj^-seven Indians, six- 
teen of whom, including the w4fe of Magnus, was 
wounded. The first cavalry California volunteers, 
who were the troops chiefly engaged in the Gila coun- 
try, soon after following a trail of Apache warriors 
for seventy-five miles, discovered their camp. About 
sixty men dismounted and surrounded the camp, 
while the rest of the men made a charge upon it. 
They completel}^ routed the Apaches, recaptured a 
herd of horses which they had run off from Fort 
West, and killed twenty-five warriors. On tlieir 
return from this engagement, they were attacked by 
the Indians in a canon, and again the soldiers 
turned the fight against them, even climbing one 
over the other the perpendicular walls of the caiion 
to dislodg-e their assailants, who hurled on them 
showers of arrows, but were atrain defeated with a 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 341 

loss of twenty-eight killed, while only one of the 
United States troops was slain. 

By the end of Februaiy the Mescalleroes were 
completely subjugated in New Mexico. A hundred 
tied to Mexico or to join the hostile Gila Apaches; 
l)ut these were vigorous fighters and afterward 
returned to commit depredations in the neighbor- 
hood of Fort Stanton. Four hundred Mescalleroes, 
including women and children, were under guard at 
Fort Sumner, and these were located on a reserva- 
tion near at hand, while every Mescallero warrior 
at large was ordered to be shot. 

New Mexico was believed to be like California, 
another El Dorado. The mines around Fort Stan- 
ton and in the region of the Mimbres river were 
attracting miners. Many of the California troops 
were men of this class and were allowed to spend a 
part of their time in mining, while guarding against 
the forays of the Apaches. Small bands of these 
Indians still roaming through the country, kept 
these mining settlements in alarm. Remarkable 
gold discoveries in Arizona were creating excite- 
ment, and many teamsters and other employees of 
the army were consequently leaving the service. 
The Navajoes and Apaches, however, under the 
excessively severe orders of General Carleton to kill 
without mercy these warriors, were forced to band 
together, and their barbarities became atrocious 
wherever they could dart out from their mountain 
fastnesses upon the settlements. The Mescallero 
Apaches gradually disappeared, and the attention of 
the department was directed specially to the Nava- 



342 NAVAJO AND APACHE WAR Si. 

joes. Fort Wingate had been established and garri- 
soned by four companies of New Mexico vohmteers 
in December, 1862. United States troops were sta- 
tioned at Fort Defiance. The Navajoes, fearing a 
vigorous campaign, by a delegation of eighteen 
chiefs, who went to Santa Fe, sought for peace, but 
those who had no flocks and herds were unwillinsr 
to give any guaranties of peace, and an affair 
at Fort Defiance led to renewed hostilities which 
resulted in the entire subjugation of those of the 
tribe remaining in their country. 

A negro, belonging to the officer in command, 
was shot by a Navajo, who had been exasperated by 
the treatment of the soldiers in shooting cattle 
belonging to the Navajoes. These had in a season 
of drought trespassed on meadow land reserved ^yy 
agreement with the Indians, for the cutting of grass 
and the subsistence of stock belonging to the post. 
Satisfaction was demanded for the death of the 
negro. The Navajoes offered compensation in money, 
but refused to deliver the Indian who had killed 
the man, alleging that he had fled from the tribe. 
The military became hostile and irritated the Nava- 
joes, who, as was their wont, when enraged, began 
to plunder indiscriminately, until the whole tribe 
became involved in these depredations. 

The Navajo country is an extensive tract, one quar- 
ter as large as the State of Ohio. Its mountains are 
almost impenetrable. Its cailons are often twenty 
or thirty miles in length, with lofty walls, and are 
extremely dangerous for the passage of troops in a 
time of war. In their sides and crevices the ancient 



NAVAJO AND APACBJi' WARS. M'6 

houses and fortifications afforded shelter for those 
who could attack with stones and other missiles, while 
they themselves were secure from injury or capture. 

All the treaties hitherto made with the Navajoes 
had failed to keep them in peace; a change of policy, 
therefore, was decided upon by the United States 
authorities, in their treatment, which involved cruel 
measures of war. It was to slay all who refused 
to surrender at once, and be removed from their 
country to the distant reservation on the Pecos. 
The women and children when captured were to be 
transported thither, and their lives spared under any 
circumstances. 

The Navajoes were allowed until the 20th of July 
to come in with their families to Fort Wingate. 
Notice M^as sent to the different chiefs and their 
followers, by scouts and friendly Navajoes, that all 
who remained in their country after that date would 
be treated as hostiles. Meanwhile Colonel Kit Car- 
son was put in command of troops to conquer this 
tribe. They were mostly New Mexican volunteers 
with friendly Ute and Mescallero Indians employed 
as scouts. 

The reservation at Bosque Redondo, to which the 
Navajoes were to be transported, was four hundred 
miles distant. It was nearly as large as the State 
of Delaware and contained from 20,000 to 30,000 
acres of land, subject to irrigation from the Pecos. 
Though mostly a level country, it was considered a 
healthful location. The Mescalleroes were already 
cultivating the lower part of it successfully. There 
was abundant grass for pasturage, and the land was 



344 NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

fertile for those who would learn farming. Other 
industries were to be encouraged, and the young 
men fitted to become carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors 
and shoemakers. Less than 1,000 troops could here 
guard the 10,000 disarmed Navajoes, who, removed 
from their hereditary enemies, and free from the 
incursions of Mexicans retaliating for depredations, 
would more quickly become content with the peace- 
ful occupations which should be taught them here. 
Peace might thus be established in New Mexico and 
its great mineral resources be developed. The Nav- 
ajo country was reported to be very rich in these, 
and the lands opened to mining and stock-raising 
would abundantly repay the cost of a war, by which 
the heritage of the Indian would become the posses- 
sion of the white man. 

In the summer of 1863, there was an effective 
force of three thousand men employed in the Indian 
campaign, both against the Apaches and Navajoes. 
The latter were pursued wherever their forays were 
known, but they were in small bands and not easily 
captured. Scouting parties were sent out in various 
directions; Carson's troops captured a few women 
and children, but the warriors usually escaped. The 
Utes, being more successful trailers, in eleven days 
during August killed thirty-three Navajoes, cap- 
tured sixty-six children, thirty horses and two thou- 
sand sheep. The Navajoes, as opportunity offered, 
attacked stages, w^agon trains, and stampeded horses 
and other stock. They were shot down wherever 
found. The Pueblo Indians having sulfered from 
these robberies, joined in pursuit of the Navajoes. 



-— > 







\^ 



APACUli INDIAN UOY. 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 347 

Their country became a vast hunting ground. The 
game was free to all who could shoot and capture 
it. It often turned fiercely upon its pursuers. But 
the odds were against the Navajoes, and the captives 
having increased in numbers, were transported to 
Fort Sumner. 

This still more exasperated the Navajoes. In 
November a band numbering sixty or seventy 
crossed the country and extended their ravages as 
far east of the Rio Grande as San Miguel county, 
where they captured one or two herds of sheep and 
drove them back to their own country. As the 
winter season drew nigh, many Navajo women and 
children were captured in a very destitute condition. 
Without blankets or provisions they were perishing 
from cold. Still tlie warriors were at large. A 
herd of 7,000 sheep belonging to one ranchman was 
driven by them from San Miguel county into the 
remote portions of their country. By an engagement 
with 130 Navajoes, thirty-five miles north of Fort 
Sumner, the troops recovered nearly 10,000 sheep. 
Thirty Mescalleroes, who the year before had been 
hostile, aided the troops. Three chiefs distinguished 
themselves, and one was mortally wounded in this 
fight. The Navajoes were partly armed with rifles. 
Twelve were killed. 

During the year 1863 the number of Indians 
killed by the vigorous military operations under 
General Carleton was 301; 87- were wounded and 
703 captured. Their depredations in only five 
counties of New Mexico caused the loss, as stated 
in ofticial records, of sixteen citizens killed, 224 



348 NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

horses, 4,178 cattle, 55,040 sheep and 5,901 goats; 
other counties sntt'ered equally, and the estimate 
for several previous years was not less. In Jan- 
uary, 1864, the citizens of Colorado and the Ute 
Indians were pressing the Navajoes from the north 
on account of their robberies of stock in that 
direction. The troops were pushing hard upon 
the scattered bands, taking advantage of the snows 
and severe cold of the season to increase their dis- 
tress and thus move rapidl}^ to accomplish their 
subjugation. The purpose of the Navajoes to resist 
so powerful an enemy was broken. On the last day 
of February, General Carleton reported that 3,000 
Navajoes had either been captured, or surrendered 
for removal to Bosque Redondo. For the first time 
in 180 years these brutal and fierce savages were 
acknowledging their defeat. As quickly as possible 
they were transferred to the reservation, but their 
sufferings on the journey were very great. Many 
died from their exposures to the cold, while those 
who were driving their flocks across the mountain 
ranges, Avere greatly hindered b\' the deep snows. 

Extensive preparations were made to cultivate 
the land for their subsistence. Irrigating ditches 
were made for great distances and land ploughed 
iv)V the crops. Meanwhile the commissariat depart- 
ment of the Government troops was severely taxed 
to provide for so many extra rations as were 
required. Those Indians who brought their stock 
with them were permitted to retain it, and were 
paid for whatever was needed to supply the captives 
with meat. On the (>tli of March, 3,650 Navajoes 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 349 

and 450 Mescalleroes, were upon this reservation, 
forty miles square. Every man, woman and child 
who could handle a tool was set to ploughing, spad- 
ing and hoeing the ground, to keep tlieni from 
starvation during the next winter. General Carle- 
ton aroused every energy in his officers to get at 
least 3,000 acres under cultivation. This reserva- 
tion had been warmly commended by the New Mex- 
ico legislation, but was violently opposed by Dr. 
Steck, the superintendent of Indian affairs represent- 
ing the Interior Department at Washington. The 
War Department was influenced by his represent- 
ations, and General Carleton contended with innu- 
merable difficulties in the care of so many prisoners. 
The indomitable spirit of the Navajoes was, 
however, thoroughly humbled. They came in great 
numbers to Fort Canby and Los Pinos, and wherever 
they could surrender to United States troops. Over 
3,000 gathered at Canby. At one time 2,000 were 
transported to Bosque Redondo. They were in a 
pitiful plight. Their hardships brought sickness 
and death. One hundred and twenty-six died iu 
two weeks, at Fort Canby. The trail of 400 miles 
between this place and Fort Sumner was marked by 
the dead bodies, or graves of hundreds of exhausted 
warriors and famished or frozen women and chil- 
dren. Ignorant of the cause of their removal, their 
distress cannot be even imagined. These Navajoes 
had been compelled to yield their country of over 
2,000,000 of acres, in exchange for a narrow reser- 
vation within whose limits sickness, suffering and 
the pangs of starvation and death awaited them. 



350 NAVAJO AND AFACHE WARS. 

General Carleton urged upon the authorities at 
Washington and on Congress, that the Navajoes in 
their change from a nomadic to an agricultural life, 
might be guarded from imposition -and their reason- 
able wants supplied, while they should be encour- 
aged in their labor. In his official report he thus 
pleaded for them : 

"The exodus of this whole people from the land 
of their fathers is not only an interesting but touch- 
ing sight. They have fought us gallantly for 3^ears 
on years; they have defended their mountains and 
stupendous caiions with a heroism, which any people 
might be proud to emulate; but when at length they 
found it was their destiny, too, as it had been that 
of their brethren, tribe after tribe, away back 
toward the rising of the sun, to give way to the 
insatiable progress of our race, they threw down 
their arms, and as brave men, entitled to our 
admiration and respect, have come to us, with confi- 
dence in our magnanimity, and feeling that we are 
too powerful and too just a people to repay that 
confidence with meanness or neglect, feeling that 
for having sacrificed to us their beautiful country, 
their homes, the associations of their lives, the 
scenes rendered classic in their traditions, we will 
not dole out to them a miser's pittance in return for 
what they know to be a princely realm." 

Private as well as public opposition had been 
encountered in the establishing of the reservation at 
Bosque. The New Mexican people had profited by 
the expenses of transportation of supplies for the 
Indians and for the troops, in the Navajo country. 



NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 351 

There was a great amount of business incident to 
the Indian wars. These unscrupulous traders and 
contractors saw in the colonization of such a tribe 
as the Navajoes an end to their enormous profits out 
of the miseries of others. The same motives seem 
to have influenced agents of the Government in the 
settlement of the military troubles through the 
reservation at Pecos. 

The Navajoes were disturbed at the prospect of 
losing; their new homes. The rivalrv lono; existing: 
between the Interior and War Departments, as to 
the control of Indians in other sections of the coun- 
try, was now manifesting itself here. 

But the submission of the Navajoes to their hard 
fate still went on. In April, 2400 Navajo prisoners 
were removed to the Bosque reservation. In the 
march nearly 200 perished amid the heavy snows 
and inclement winds, which chilled them in their 
almost naked condition. In May, 800 more pris- 
oners were sent to the reservation, where 7,000 were 
now under guard and generally at- work for their 
own support. 

Neither the Government nor missionary associ- 
ations, though importuned by General Carleton, 
would send teachers to instruct these poor people, 
though there were more than 3,000 youth of school 
age gathered there. But one lay teacher ever ven- 
tured upon this needed labor, and that for but a few 
weeks. No provision was made for a school-house 
by the Government. Two store-houses for grain, a 
hospital and a blacksmith's shop were erected. Con- 
gress appropriated $100,000 for the support of 8,703 



352 NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

Apaches aiul Navajoes here, in 1864. The supplies 
received from the beginning of the reservation, 
amounted to $414,852.66. The Indians were indus- 
trious and generally eager to accomplish their entire 
support by labors in the fields. Elevated sites had 
been cl.'osen for the villages, well supplied with 
water by irrigating ditches, along which 2,000 shade 
trees were ])lanted in avenues. The location of the 
reservation was considered to be healthy. But both 
the Navajo and Apaches were much discouraged liy 
the mortality which prevailed. There were 216 
deaths hi sixteen months, ending June 27th, 1865. 

The idea and conduct of the reservation was again 
vigorously assailed by Dr. Steck, in his report to 
the Interior Department, and Congress ordered an 
investigation, which was made b}' an able committee 
during the next two years, the results of which were 
fatal to the continuance of the reservation. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES AND CHIEF VICTORIA. 




C 



OLONEL 
KIT CAR- 

S N deter- 
mined to pursue 
the subjugation 
of the Navajoes 
yet remaining in their 
country, and strike them 
in their deepest canons, to 
which they had retreated 
On tlie 6th of January, he 
had organized and ready for new operations, an 
expedition at Fort Canby, New Mexico, with four- 
teen commissioned officers, and seventy-five enlisted 
men, to penetrate the Canon de Chelly, and drive 
the Navajoes from its ancient fortifications and cliff 
dwellings, where they considered themselves in an 
absolutely secure retreat. 

The Caiion de Chelly is one of the most famous in 
the south-west. It was entered in 1849, by Lieuten- 
ant Simpson, on a similar expedition, who described 

353 



354 SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. 

it then as having a width of 150 to 400 feet, at the 
mouth, with low walls of red amorphous sandstone. 
These walls, three miles from the entrance, reached 
a stupendous altitude, with perfectly vertical faces, 
as smooth as if they had been chiseled by the hand 
of art. 

He followed from the point a branch of the canon 
to the left, from 150 to 200 yards wide, for half a 
mile, till a second branch turned to the right, of 
narrower width, with sides 300 feet in height, still 
vertical and smooth from top to bottom, except at 
one point, where a cave sheltered a cool spring, near 
which the gorge terminated with a steep impassable 
wall. 

Returning to the primary branch, this was then 
followed to its head, 300 3"ards above the fork. Its 
majestic sides contained some commodious caves and 
small habitations, made up of over-hanging rock and 
artificial walls, laid in stone and mortar, the latter 
forming the front portion of the dw^ellings. 

Again returning to the main caiion, it was trav- 
ersed for a mile, till upon the left hand wall there 
was observed, fifty feet from the Ijottom, unap- 
proachable except by ladders, a small pueblo ruin, in 
wdiicli was the circular wall of an estufa. Occasion- 
ally, w^here the bed of the caiion widened, would be 
found a peach orchard, or a field of maize, belonging 
to the Navajoes. The walls became more imposing 
in their grandeur, presenting at intervals facades, 
hundreds of feet in length and tliree or four hundred 
in height, and which are beautifully smooth and 
vertical. 



SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOE^. ,'i5o 

"These walls looked," says Lieutenant Simpson, 
" as if they had been erected by the hand of art, the 
blocks of stone composing them not unfreqnently 
discovering a length in the wall of hundreds of feet 
and a thickness of as much as ten feet, and laid 
with as much precision, and showing as handsome 
and well-pointed and regular horizontal joints as can 
be seen in the custom-house of the city of New 
York." 

The canon was explored for a distance of nine 
and a half miles, but no Navajo fortress was discov- 
ered in it. The sides were 500 feet high at this dis- 
tance from the mouth, and the groups of Navajoes 
sometimes seen on their tops, appeared as specks 
upon the sky. The Indians at that time had no 
permanent habitation in the caiion. In winter they 
sought the mountains, where wood abounds, and in 
summer they lived near their cornfields and pasture 
grounds, feeling secure against their enemies, since 
their country was so unapproachable. 

Colonel Carson, during the first four days of his 
expedition, overtook scattered bands of Navajoes, of 
whom he killed twelve, and captured a few women 
and children, and a small flock of sheep and goats. 
A detachment entered the canon at the east opening 
and passed through it without loss, taking nineteen 
prisoners and killing three Indians. About 200 
Navajoes also voluntarily surrendered during this 
expedition, the moral effect of which upon the Nav- 
ajoes Avas far greater than the immediate results 
indicated. 

The third year of the Navajo war opened with the 



356 SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. 

prospect of the complete removal of this tribe from 
their country to the restraint of the reservation, 
before the 3'ear should close. 

Early in February, several chiefs of the Navajoes 
came to Santa Fe to confer with General Carleton. 
They were notified again that all who should refuse 
to deliver themselves to the military forces, and go 
upon the reservation with the rest of their people, 
would henceforth be treated as hostiles, and anni- 
hilated. It was believed that about 1,000 remained 
in their country, though those Navajoes who were 
rich in herds and flocks had been transferred to 
Bosque, being permitted to retain their property. 

With a dignity and spirit worthy of the highest 
praise in the heroes of other nations, some of the 
chiefs still resisted the entire expatriation of their 
people. Faithful to the traditions of their tribe, 
they preferred to be hunted as fugitives in their 
native wilds, rather than tamely herded and fed as 
prisoners surrounded by the narrow limits of a res- 
ervation. None Mere more worthy of the respect 
of those waoino' relentless war as-ainst them than 
Manuelito. Having held out for three years against 
the troops, he with his brother was sent for in Feb- 
ruary, 1865, to come to Zuiii and confer with the 
five chiefs who w^ere acting as delegates from the 
commanding General to warn their people. With 
about fifty men, women and children, who consti- 
tuted half his band, Manuelito met these messengers, 
among whom Avas Herrera Grande, sent to offer to 
the Navajoes the last terms of peace from their 
conquerors. 




laT CARSON. 

(From a photograph in possession of Mrs. Fremont.) 



SUBJUGATION OF TUt NAVAJOBS. 359 

Manuelito brought in his stock. There were but 
fifty horses and forty sheep. Pointing to them he 
said, " Here is all I have in the world. See what a 
trifling amount. You see how poor they are. My 
children are eating roots. My stock is so poor it 
cannot travel to the Bosqne now." 

Herrera said to him, that if he and his band 
remained, they would not only lose their stock, but 
their lives. The women and children began to cry, 
foreseeing the consequences of their chief's refusal. 

Manuelito was, however, sustained by his brother, 
who said that his stock was also too poor to travel 
300 miles; and he wanted to remain for three 
months, till he could get them in condition for this 
journey. The chiefs said they were not allowed to 
offer any delay to the fulfillment of the terms made 
by the Government officers, and urged in view of the 
desperate condition of the people, that Manuelito 
should yield at once. 

After moody silence, which wrought no change 
in his stubborn spirit, Manuelito said that he had 
concluded not to go. "His God and his mother 
lived in the west, and he would not leave them. 
There was a tradition that his people should never 
cross the Rio Grande, the Rio San Juan, or the Rio 
Colorado. He could not pass over three mountains, 
and he could not leave the Chusca mountains, his 
native hills. He would remain and suffer all the 
consequences of war and famine. He had now noth- 
ing to lose but his life, and they might come and 
take that whenever they pleased, but he would not 
move. He had never done wrong to the Americans 



360 SUBJUGATfON OF THE NAVAJ0E8. 

or the Mexicans. He had never robbed, but had 
lived on his own resources. If he were killed, inno- 
cent blood would be shed." 

Herrera the chief, then said to him, "I have done 
all I could for your benefit. I have given you the 
best advice. I now leave you, as if your grave 
were already made." 

Herrera reported to General Carleton that all the 
Navajoes who remained in their country now con- 
sisted of six small bands in different parts of their 
widely-extended land. They numbered 480 in all, 
most of whom were subsistino; on nuts and roots. 

o 

He thought that seventy or eighty of these would 
probably soon surrender to the troops, and among 
them part of Manuel i to' s band. 

General Carleton at once issued orders that Man- 
uelito should be captured on some of his trading 
visits to Zuiii and shot down if he attempted to 
escape. He hoped thus to compel his band to come 
in and be transferred to the reservation. 

Manuelito was never reported as captured, and is 
to-day the principal chief of the Navajoes. 

In 1867, under the administration of General 
Grant, and the authority of Congress, an Indian 
Peace Commission was organized to consider the 
causes of war, and to present some plan for the 
civilization of the Indians. The ability and experi- 
ence of this commission could not be questioned. It 
was composed of Generals W. T. Sherman, Harney, 
Terry and Augur; Colonels W. F. Tappan and John 
B. Sanborn; Senators J. B. Henderson and N. G. 
Taylor. In 1868, this commission reported that dur- 



SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. .SGI 

ing fifty years, to the beginning of 1867, tlie United 
States Government spent $5U0,()0O,()()O and 20,000 
lives in Indian warfare. Our wars, they said, with 
Indians had been ahnost constant, and they unhes- 
itatingly affirmed that the Government had been 
uniformly unjust toward the Indian. 

According to the records of the Indian Depart- 
ment, Vincent Collyer, another United States Com- 
missioner, declares, "That the Apache Indians were 
the friends of the Americans when they first knew 
them, and they have always desired peace with 
them. When placed upon reservations, in 1858-9, 
they were industrious, intelligent, and made rapid 
progress in the arts of civilization. The peace- 
able relations of the Apaches with the Americans 
continued, until the latter adopted the Mexican 
theory of extermination, and by acts of inhuman 
treachery and cruelty made them our implacable 
foes; and this policy resulted in a war that in 
ten years, from 1861 to 1870, cost $40,000,000 and 
1,000 lives." In one year the Apaches killed 36o 
citizens and soldiers of the United States, wounded 
140, and devastated a country five times as large as 
New England. 

On the 1st of June, General Sherman and Colonel 
Tappan, of the Peace Commissioners appointed by 
President Grant, signed the treaty with the Nava- 
joes, by which they should be returned to their 
country, schools should be established and school- 
houses built for every thirty children between the 
ages of six and sixteen years among them, their 
education made compulsory, the heads of families 



362 SUBJUGATION OF THE XAVAJOES. 

given 160 acres of land for individual ownership, 
seeds and agricultural implements, flocks and cattle, 
and $100 the first year, $25 the second and third 
years, with clothing and other articles needed to 
encourage and aid them in beginning and living 
a civilized and industrious life. 

But few of the provisions of this treaty by 
the Government were ever carried out, especially 
those that pertained to education and civilization. 
The Navajoes returned with joy to the country of 
their ancestors and resumed their pastoral and 
nomadic life. Their ability and industry, especially 
of the women, who chiefly kept the flocks and man- 
ufactured the famous Navajo blankets, and did nuich 
of the agricultural labor, is proved by the following 
enumeration of their progress from year to year, as 
producers of the necessaries of life. 

Beginning in 1868, with 15,000 sheep and 500 
head of cattle, this tribe in 1873, had 10,000 horses 
and 200,000 sheep and goats. In 1876, they were 
self-supporting. In 1878, they had become a pros- 
perous, industrious, shrewd and intelligent people, 
having 500.000 sheep, 20,000 horses and 1500 cattle, 
while they tilled 1),102 acres of land. In 1884, the}^ 
cultivated 15,000 acres; they raised 220,000 bushels 
of corn and 21,000 bushels of wheat. They had 
35,000 horses, 1.000.000 sheep, and had increased in 
numbers from 10,000 to 17,000 in sixteen years. 
In 1888, they built lifty houses and cultivated still 
larger areas of ground. 

The Chiricahua Apaches, when the reservation at 
Bosque Redondo was broken up, in 1868, by the 



SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJO ES. 363 

peace coramissioners, were placed upon the Ojo 
Caliente reservation in Grant County, New Mexico. 
Here they lived peaceably for ten years, till 1877, 
under the restraints of their chief Victoria, one of 
the most remarkable Indian characters that ever 
lived in the south-west. Victoria and his people had 
learned agriculture on the Pecos and were content 
with the quiet life that was opened to them in this 
occupation. Excellent buildings had been erected 
for him and his people at Ojo Caliente, irriga.+ing 
ditches had been constructed and some progress 
made in cultivating the soil. "Let the Government 
leave me here alone," said Victoria, when it was 
again proposed to remove his people. But his lands 
were coveted by the white men. The Interior 
Department ordered the Chiricahuas to be removed 
to San Carlos reservation in Arizona. The military 
officers in New Mexico remonstrated at this unjust 
and needless offence against this tribe. Victoria 
declared that he would never go there with his peo- 
ple to stay ; but the orders from Wasliington were 
imperative, and the removal was accomplished under 
the military guard ordered to enforce it. Twice Vic- 
toria broke away from San Carlos and returned to 
Ojo Caliente, only to be ordered or driven back. In 
April, 1879, Victoria in despair and rage since all his 
protests to the Government were in vain, took the 
war-path in desperate resolve never to leave it. 
With thirty warriors he stole away from the Mes- 
callero reservation near Fort Stanton, where he had 
for some months found refuge. He surprised and 
killed the guard of six or eight soldiers on the Ojo 



864 SVBJUGATION OF THE KAVAJOES. 

Caliente reservation, and captured forty-five horses 
of the Ninth cavalry. Then he was joined by about 
150 of his people on the reservation, and began the 
most disastrous Indian war that ever desolated 
southern New Mexico, Arizona and Chihuahua. It 
continued with short intervals long after Victoria's 
death, and only ended with the capture of Geronimo 
in 1887. Its ravages in southern New Mexico were 
so fatal that 140 white people were killed from the 
beginning of Victoria's raid to Jan. 1, 1886, in 
Grant, Sierra and Socorro counties alone. 

Victoria was a man of nearh' fifty years when he 
made this last stroke for vengeance on the oppress- 
ors of his people. His long, gray hair hung over a 
wrinkled face, and from his short, stout body his left 
arm hung paralyzed. Nevertheless, with two head 
chiefs, Loco and Nane, his son-in-law, and 200 
warriors, this intrepid and desperate old chieftain 
defied the power of the United States and Mexico 
with their highly disciplined troops and experienced 
generals. For eighteen months he led in scorn of 
all their skill and resources, a career of bloodshed 
and rapine, the terror of which will not soon be for- 
gotten in that vast region. Pursued by the United 
States cavahy over one hundred miles of territory 
in New Mexico, usually attacked by superior num- 
bers, he successfully fought with them on mountain 
sides, in caiions and at the fords of rivers, then 
dashijig aAvay into the settlements, he avenged his 
w^arriors slain, by falling upon defenseless ranchmen 
or wayfarers, like hawks upon their prey. When 
too hardly pressed, he repeated!}* crossed into Chi- 



SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. 367 

himhua and the mountains of old Mexico, where he 
roused against himself a foe that finally vanquished 
him. In these engagements his warriors never num- 
bered more than 2r50, or 300. Usually he was 
attended by about 100 braves, and the women and 
children, who had cast their own unhappy lot with 
him. 

But Victoria won renown in savage warfare that 
few Indian warriors have attained. He attacked, 
while still pursued by disciplined cavalry, ranches, 
mining camps, wagon trains, cattle guards, Mexican 
soldiers and United States army veterans. Reckless 
of dangers thus incurred, after terrorizing mining 
towns and larger settlements and inflicting all possi- 
ble injury, he eluded his pursuers and appeared in 
some new quarter. He foiled in their campaigns 
against him two generals of the United States army 
and one of the Mexican forces. Victoria captured 
from the military Governor of Chihuahua in one 
campaign, 500 horses. He killed over 200 New 
Mexican citizens and one hundred soldiers of the 
United States, and 200 citizens of the Mexican 
republic. At one time the American and Mexican 
armies combined to overwhelm him, but he escaped 
them. At another time Colonel Buel, with 1,000 
navalry and 300 Indian scouts, pressing him on the 
north, Colonel Carr with 600 cavalry on the west, 
and General Grierson with the Tenth United States 
cavalry on the east, were only able by hard fighting 
to drive him back into Mexico, when attempting to 
cross again the New Mexican boundary. 

At last Victoria's band was divided. The Ameri- 



3f:8 SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. 

can and Mexican forces had separated in October, 
1888. The Mexicans were returning through Clii- 
huahua. They numbered about 300 men, under 
Colonel Terrazas. Late in the afternoon they dis- 
covered the Apaches encamped on the shore of a 
small lake at the foot of three basaltic hills, named 
the Tres Castillos, rising several hundred feet high 
in the midst of a prairie. Thei-e were with him 
about a hundred warriors, 400 women and children 
and nearly 800 horses and other booty. The Mexi- 
cans dismounted and began to surround the hills. 
The Indians ascended toward the crests, seeking 
shelter in the rocks. Then at dusk firing com- 
menced and continued during the night in the 
bright moonlight. The flashes of musketry, light- 
ing up the dark rocks and shadowy forms of the 
warriors, the reports of guns, the whoops of the sav- 
ages, the wail of wounded women and children, 
made a scene of desperate and deadly conflict, that 
nerved the old chieftain to the energy of despairing 
rage, as he beheld his last opportunity of revenge 
with the last hour of his life. At dawn Victoria was 
seen on the summit of the crag. For an hour a 
sharp firing from his warriors continued, then sud- 
denly ceased. Their ammunition was exhausted. 
The sun was shining brightly on the hills where 
these Apaches now fell beneath the pitiless fire of 
the Mexicans. Darting from rock to rock, they were 
shot down like wild beasts. Victoria, alread}^ several 
times wounded, was shot through the heart at eight 
o'clock, and the remnant of his disheartened band 
immediately surrendered. Eighteen women and 



SUBJUGATION OF THE NAVAJOES. 369 

children shared his ftate, and seventy, induding the 
squaws and little ones, were captured. In wrath 
and despair this old chief defended his children and 
wives to the death. With a price set upon his head, 
a hopeless Indian, a brave and successful warrior, 
he fell with as much desert of renown amono;: all the 
Indian heroes of the south-west, as King Phillip for 
centuries has received on Atlantic shores. 

This wasteful and bloody war was the result of 
the greed of the white settler, and the corrupt policy 
of the United States Government. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS BY GEN. CROOK. 




T 



HE southern portions of New Mex- 
ico and Arizona were again filled 
with dread of the murderous Apache 
early in the year 1883. General 
George Crook had been recalled to 
K\MiiJ^^fJI^M the command of the United States 
troops in Arizona, where ten 3'ears before, he had 
reduced the Apaches to quiet pursuit of agricul- 
ture and self-support on their reservation. They 
were now greatly disturbed by the encroachments of 
M'hite men in mining operations and stock raising. 
The Chiricahuas were in open war against Amer- 
icans and Mexicans. They had broken away from 
the San Carlos reservation en masse, after killing 
the chief of Indian police, who had accidentally 
shot one of their old squaws. Seven hundred 
and ten members of this tribe, old and young, had 
thus escaped from the reservation. They were 
fiercely pursued to the Mexican boundary 150 miles 
distant, but they left devastation and death behind 

370 



CONQUEST OF THE CTiIIilCAHUAS. 371 

them, murdering every one tliey met on their route. 
In Sonora they were attacked by Mexican troops, 
and lost eighty-five killed and thirty captured. 
Only fifteen of these were men. About 650 Chiri- 
cahuas, 150 of whom were warriors, reached the 
Sierra Madre mountains. From a secure strong- 
hold in this impassable range they raided on the 
Mexican ranches and small villages, supplying 
themselves with an abundance of food, and driving 
back to their impregnable retreats, cattle, horses, 
mules and captives, loaded with plunder of goods, 
stores, money and jew^elry. 

The terror of the presence of these Apaches in 
Chihuahua and Sonora, spread bej'ond the American 
line. The only defense for this part of New Mexico 
was a patrol of a few United States troops under 
Captain Emmet Crawford, with a body of 150 
Apache scouts, extending for 200 miles along the 
Mexican boundary. 

In March, 1883, twenty-six Chiricahuas, led by 
the brave young Chato (Flat Nose) eluded this 
patrol, and, pushing their rapid course on freshly 
stolen horses seventy miles a day, swept through 
the country to the vicinity of Silver City. With tlie 
terror of a cloud-burst of human fury they startled 
the settlements. Judge McComas and wife, riding 
with their son Charlie, six years old, a few miles 
from Silver City, were suddenly attacked by this 
band. The parents were horribly murdered and 
mutilated and their boy carried away captive. Their 
fate aroused the settlers of the southern counties to 
their peril. This furious band of warriors, with 



372 CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

amazing daring, had dashed from their retreat in 
the Sierra Madras, ridden 800 miles into the country 
of their foes, passed in the vicinity of 4500 Mexican 
soldiers and 500 American troops, and were hover- 
ing like winged demons around one of the principal 
towns and most populous regions of Grant County. 
Reports of their presence and atrocities spread 
through the country by telegrams and messengers, 
and in every wa}^ the people were ^^i^t upon their 
guard. But in a few days these Apaches killed 
twenty-five Americans and Mexicans, and w^ere 
safely returned to the mountains of Mexico, glutted 
by horrid bloodshed and rapine. 

General Crook determined to unite the American 
forces with the Mexican troops for the thorough sub- 
jugation of this tribe. His only course w^as to trail 
this band back to their stronghold. The cjuestions 
of international law involved in this course were 
referred to the governments at Washington and the 
City of Mexico. General Crook conferred personally 
with the Governors of Chihuahua and Sonora, and 
Generals Tapele and Carbo, of the National Mexican 
army. Formal agreements were made that the 
troops of either government should be allowed to 
pursue these hostile Indians over the national bound- 
aries, while they were strictly enjoined to make no 
permanent encampment on foreign soil and to main- 
tain treaty stipulations. 

General Crook made rigid inspection of the arms, 
supplies and stock prepared for this arduous cam- 
paign, which Avas opened May 1st by an advance 
toward the retreat of the Chiricahuas. The Amer- 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 373 

ican forces consisted of 150 officers and men, 
with about 100 Apache scouts from the San Carlos 
reservation. With these General Crook started 
April 23, from Willcox on the Southern Pacific Rail- 
road, followed by a pack train supplied with stores 
for sixty days. Five days after Captain Crawford 
joined the command with one hundred additional 
scouts from the various Apache tribes. At San Ber- 
nardino Springs the final preparations were made, 
and the Mexican Generals were notified that the 
American troops would cross the border on May 1st. 
The Apache scouts began their war dances, which 
continued from sunset to sunrise, and their medicine 
men, in trances, made prophecies of great success on 
the war path. The officers and men were lightly 
equipped, carrying only their arms, one blanket and 
forty rounds of ammunition. Rations of hard-bread, 
coffee and bacon, with 160 rounds of extra ammuni- 
tion each w^ere carried on pack mules. The troops 
belonged with their officers to the Third and Sixth 
United States cavalry, and the scouts were from the 
Chiricahua, White Mountains, Yuma Mohave and 
Tonto bands. 

Captain John G. Bourke, of the Tliird cavalry, act- 
ing adjutant to General Crook, gives the following 
description of these remarkable scouts: 

"No soldier Avould fail to apprehend at a glance 
that the Apache was the perfect, the ideal scout of 
the whole world. When Lieutenant Gatewood, the 
officer in command, gave the short, jerky order 
' Ugashe,' ' Go,' the Apaches started as if shot from 
a gun, and in a minute or less had covered a space 



374 CONQUEST OF THE CHtRICAHUAS. 

of one hundred yards front, which distance rapidly- 
widened as the}^ advanced. They moved with no 
semblance of regularity; individual fancy alone 
governed. Here was a clump of three ; not far off 
two more, and scattered in every point of the com- 
pass, singly or in clusters, were these indefatigable 
scouts, with vision as keen as a hawk's, tread as 
untiring and stealthy as the panther's, and ears so 
sensitive that nothing escapes them. An artist, 
possibly, would object to many of them as under- 
sized, but in all other respects they would satisfy 
every requirement of anatomical criticism. Their 
chests were broad, deep and full; shoulders perfectly 
straight; limbs well-proportioned, strong and mus- 
cular, without a suggestion of undue heaviness; 
hands and feet small and taper, but wiry; heads 
w^ell shaped, and countenances often lit up with a 
pleasant, good-natured expression, which would be 
more constant, perhaps, were it not for the savage, 
untamed cast imparted by the loose, disheveled, 
gypsy locks of raven black, held away from the face 
by a broad fiat band of scarlet cloth. 

"The moccasins are the most important articles of 
Apache apparel. In a fight or on a long march, 
they will discard all else, but under every and any 
circumstance will retain the moccasins. 

"Their eyes were bright, clear, and bold, fre- 
quently expressive of the greatest good-humor and 
satisfaction. 

"The two great points of superiority of the native 
or savage soldier over the representative of civilized 
discipline are his absolute knowledge of the country 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 375 

and his perfect ability to take care of himself at all 
times and under all circumstances. He finds food, 
and pretty good food, too, where the Caucasian 
would starve. He does not read the newspapers, 
but the great book of nature is open to his perusal, 
and has been drained of much knowledge which his 
pale-faced brother would be glad to acquire. Ever} 
track in the trail, mark in the grass, scratch on the 
bark of a tree, explains itself to the untutored 
Apache. He can tell to an hour, almost, when the 
man or animal making them, passed by, and, like a 
hound, will keep on the scent until he catches up 
with the object of his pursuit. 

"In the presence of strangers the Apache soldier 
is sedate and taciturn. Seated around his little 
apology for a camp-fire, in the communion of his fel- 
lows, he becomes vivacious and conversational. He 
is obedient to authority, but will not brook the 
restraints which, under our notions of discipline, 
change men into machines. He makes an excellent 
sentinel, and not a single instance can be adduced 
of property having been stolen from or by an 
Apache on guard. 

"Approaching the enemy his vigilance is a curi- 
ous thing to witness. He avoids appearing suddenly 
upon the crest of a hill, knowing that his figure, 
projected against the sky, can at such times be dis- 
cerned from a great distance. He will carefully 
bind around his brow a sheaf of grass, or some other 
foliage, and thus disguised crawl like a snake to the 
summit and carefully peer about, taking in with his 
keen black eyes the details of the country to the 



376 CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

front, with a rapidity and thoroughness the Ameri- 
can or European can never acquire. 

"In battle he is again the antithesis of the Cau- 
casian. The Apaclie has no false ideas about cour- 
age; he would prefer to skulk like the Cayote for 
hours, and then kill his enemy, or capture his herd, 
rather than, by injudicious exposure receive a wound 
fatal or otherwise. But he is no coward; on the 
contrary, he is entitled to rank among the bravest. 
The precautions taken for his safety prove that he 
is an exceptionally skillful soldier. His first duty 
under fire is to jump for a rock, bush or hole, from 
which no enemy can drive him except with loss 
of life or blood. The policy of Great Britain has 
always been to enlist a force of auxiliaries from 
among the countries falling under her sway. 

"The government of the United States, on the 
contrary, has persistently ignored the really excellent 
material, ready at hand, which could with scarcely 
an effort and at no expense, be mobilized and made 
to serve as a frontier police." 

The expedition marched down the San Bernardino 
valley to the Bavispe. But for a few miserable vil- 
lages this valley, once cultivated and quite populous, 
was deserted and overgrown with thickets of bushes 
and brakes and cactus, the ruined hamlets showing 
the disastrous effects of the Apache raids. The des- 
olation increased with every day's march into Mex- 
ico. Footprints of the Chiricahuas were often visi- 
ble, but no Mexicans were seen till the towns of 
Bavispe and Basaraca were reached, which were in 
that miserable condition of poverty and sc^ualor 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICABUAS. 379 

which superstition, terror, idleness caiid ignorciuce 
produce in the Mexican people. They received 
the American forces with acclamations from their 
wretched housetops, and kindly treated the troops 
that had come to deliver them from their hated foes. 
The next camp was made at Tesorababi twenty 
miles from Basaraca. This was a large dilapidated 
ranch, with walls of stone and adobe, and large 
groves of oak, mesquite, sycamore and Cottonwood. 
On the night of May 7th, the expedition marched 
from Tesorababi directly for the Sierra Madre, and 
among the foot-hills covered with grama grass and 
oaks, struck the recent trail of the Chiricahuas, who 
were driving off cattle from the plains to their 
mountain camp. Hundreds of stolen ponies and 
cattle had evidently passed over this trail, and as 
the ascent became steeper their carcasses freshly 
slain were frequently seen, and stray animals, which 
had escaped their captors, were found in the woods 
and ravines. 

The country was now extremely rugged and 
rocky, numerous canons were met, in which was 
rapidly flowing water or deep pools. Grass was 
abundant. Pine and oak forests covered the sides of 
the ridges. The trail was marked with plunder, 
dropped or thrown away by the Chiricahuas. An- 
cient ruins were often visible, relics of extinct races. 
The scouts became very watchful as they approached 
the savage foes, zealously guarding themselve,, ,om- 
pletely from surprise by pickets at night. No fires 
were allowed at night and rarely in the day-time. 
At last the troops came to a deserted stronghold 



380 CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

of the Chiricaliuas, where they had lived for a 
longer time than in their nsual camps. Bones and 
skeletons of animals were thickly strewn about the 
place. The troops were in the midst of tli^ hostile 
country now, and used extraordinary precautions. 
So difficult was the ascent that the pack-mules in a 
few instances tumbled over the precipices and were 
killed. The supply-train was finally kept a day's 
march behind, under a guard, and the climb up 
to the crest of the first high ridge made all pre- 
vious difficulties of the route appear trivial. At the 
top were seen forty abandoned Apache lodges, and 
the trail led down the precipitous sides of the ridge 
to the headwaters of the Bavispe. These were 
crossed, and signs of the Chiricaliuas multiplied at 
every step. Here were their play-grounds and danc- 
ing-places, their extinct fires, and the pits where 
the mescal was roasted, and acorns were ground for 
their food. Beyond the Bavispe the trail ascended 
another clift" a thousand feet above the water. 

On May 11th, 150 Apache scouts under Captain 
Crawford and Lieutenants Gatewood and Mackey, 
started ahead with four days' rations and 100 rounds 
of ammunition, leaving the white troops in camp, to 
picket the three high peaks above it. At about sun- 
set, the messenger from Captain Crawford directed 
where the next camp should be, with supplies of 
wood, water and grass. Thus the expedition with 
the pack-trains moved on cautiously for three days, 
the Indian scouts a day's march in advance. Craw- 
ford sent back word that he had reached the 
deserted site of ninety-eight wickyups, a Chiricahua 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 381 

village in these mountain fastnesses, where there 
were signs of great droves of horses and cattle, 
estrays from which were constantly met with. 
There was abundance of cold water in the stream 
•of the Bavispe, which was still followed in the 
march, and refreshing baths were taken by the 
troops and animals, that would otherwise have been 
utterly exhausted by the steep and rugged climb in 
the hot hours of the day, though the nights were 
freezing cold on those mountain ridges. 

At about noon on May 15th, nine Apache scouts 
reported from Captain Crawford that they were 
close upon the Chiricahuas, and an Apache runner, 
who had come in less than an hour over the mount- 
ains, reported at nearly the same time, that he was 
fighting them, the shots even then being heard over 
the hills. At dark Crawford's command came into 
camp, reporting that they had fallen upon bands of 
the chiefs Bonito and Chato, killing nine, and 
capturing two boys, two girls and one young woman 
— Bonito' s daughter. They had taken from the 
Apaches who were killed four new Winchester rifles 
and one Colts' revolver. Pursuiug the Chiricahuas 
over a very rough country, it was difficult to ascer- 
tain the number slain, but they destroyed their vil- 
lage of thirty wickyups, and brought in forty-seven 
horses and mules loaded with plunder taken from 
the Mexicans. 

The Chiricahuas were filled with consternation by 
this sudden attack upon their secure stronghold by 
American troops and Apache scouts, who had been 
led to their retreat by one of their own band. They 



382 CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

began to come in and surrender by twos and threes, 
and then in larger bands. General Crook sent word 
to the chiefs, by his prisoners, who wished to induce 
their relatives to surrender, that ' they could now 
return or stay and fight it out. Most of them chose 
to come in and to return to the reservation. Gen- 
eral Crook had moved his camp to a small park five 
or six miles distant from Crawford's men, in the 
midst of young pine trees and where water and 
grass were abundant. Here he received those who 
wished to surrender. The women began to approach 
the camp, with white rags waving in their hands. 
One of these was Chihuahua's sister, who was soon 
followed by Chihuahua himself, and sixteen of his 
band, acknowledging his defeat and saying to 
General Crook that his village was destroyed and all 
his property lost. He received permission to go out 
and gather his band, to bring them in and surrender. 
As the scattered Apaches came in from their raids 
among the Mexican settlements they were amazed 
to find themselves in the hands of the Americans, 
to whom they at once surrendered. Geronimo was 
the last to yield, but after two or three days of par- 
leying, he was allowed to gather up every man, 
woman and child of his band, with whom he fol- 
lowed the trail of the victorious expedition returning 
to San Carlos. 

General Crook started on the 24th of May, with 
237 captives, Chiricahuas, including three chiefs, 
.Chato, Chihuahua, Kawterme, Loco, Bonito, Magnus, 
Zele and Nano. On the 2Uth, Geronimo joined the 
troops with his people, increasing the number of 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIIIICAHUAS. 383 

captives to 384. Thus General Crook had captured 
and subdued till another outbreak this most ferocious 
and warlike tribe of all the Apaches in the south- 
west. No campaign was ever undertaken against 
the Indians in a more difficult country. Not a 
single life was lost in General Crook's command. 
Five Mexican women in wretched plight were res- 
cued in the mountains and restored to their people, 
with eight others, women and children, who had 
been held as hostages. But the fate of Charlie 
McComas was never ascertained. When the first 
attack was made by Crawford's scouts on Chato's 
camp, he was said by the Indian women to have fled 
into the thickets, and was never again seen by them. 
A violent rain the following night washed away all 
traces of his steps, which could never be followed. 

While the warriors were gathering in the camp 
General Crook did not disarm them. The Apache 
scouts fraternized with them in their dances in sign 
of good will, but maintained the strictest watch 
upon their own weapons and the actions of the cap- 
tives, well understanding their cunning and strata- 
gems in war. 

The expedition, with its long line of captives, 
slowly traversed the rough country cut up with 
ravines and cailons, and then entered the plains 
covered with forests, and filled with game on which 
the whole company subsisted after June 4th, till 
they crossed the National boundary on June 15th, 
and reached the reserve camp at Silver Springs, 
Arizona. The Chiricahuas, at first alarmed by 
reports that they were all to be hung, trusted Gen- 



384 CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

eral Crook's word, and brought to San Carlos every 
man. woman and child of their tribe, and were 
located in scattered groups among the peaceful 
Indians on the reservation. 

The remarkable success of this campaign was due 
to General Crook's appreciation and use of the supe- 
rior qualities of Apache warriors in fighting against 
those whose habits and methods in war they per- 
fectly understood. Their caution and skill and 
knowledge of the countrv secured him from the 
stratagems of these wily foes, and led him to the 
center of their strongbold. A scout, who had been 
captured from Chato's band, and was by his mar- 
riage connections disinclined to join his tribe on the 
warpath, was the most valuable instrumentality of 
this campaign. Pa-nayo-tishu. or •■Peaches.'' as the 
soldiers called him, Mas remarkable in his physical 
qualities and grace of moveuient. and on his intelli- 
gence and trustworthiness depended the unerring 
guidance of the expedition. 

General Crook was cruelly criticised and maligned 
for his conduct of this campaign, which ended in 
such a victory over this savage tribe. 

On the 17th of May. 1885. Geronimo. Chihuahua. 
Natches and Magnus, with forty-two men and 
ninety-six women and children, were again upon the 
warpath and raiding through western New Mexico. 
They were overtaken by United States cavalry in 
the Mogollon Mountains and pressed to a short 
eno-asement. Thev soon scattered into smaller 
bands and ravaged a country seventy-five miles 
square. Geronimo" s band with seventeen men and 




THE ROUGH COUXTKY CUT UP WITH RAVINES AND CANON'S." 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 387 

forty horses, were driven through the Mhnbres and 
Cooks Mountams, to beyond the Mexican border. 
The main band of hostiles was followed out of the 
Mogollon Mountains into the Gila country, across 
Steins range to the Guadalupe Mountains and thence 
into Mexico. 

Geronimo sought to arouse the Mescalleros to join 
him, but his emissaries were arrested on the reserva- 
tion and the movement checked. General Crook, in 
midsummer, organized an expedition to pursue the 
hostiles into Mexico, but they had there broken up 
into small bands, and nothing more was done than 
to station small scouting parties along the border 
from the Arizona line to Lake Palomas, to watch 
the return of the marauders into New Mexico. 

The story of the boy captive, Santiago McKin, 
who was for seven months in the hands of this raid- 
ing band of Chiricahuas under Natchez and Gero- 
nimo, describes the murderous wretches in their 
daily experiences, while their presence carried terror 
to all the country through which they swiftly rode, 
or in which they kept their camps undisturbed by 
the soldiers in pursuit of them. 

On the 11th of September, 1885, this boy was 
herding stock with his brother, fifteen years old, on 
the Mimbres, fifteen miles from San Lorenzo. He 
was but eleven years of age and was playing around 
the rocks when he heard a rifle shot, and saw six 
Indians rushing toward the place where his brother 
had been sitting reading a book. The frightened 
boy attempted to run away, but was overtaken by 
the Apaches, who asked him how many men were 



388. CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 

in the house. Learning that there were none, they 
commenced to gather up the stock, and took the lad 
away with them, leaving his brother shot through 
the shoulder and his head crushed with a stone. 

The Indians traveled north along the San Lo- 
renzo, and about evening came upon a Mexican 
in the road, and killed him. They traveled fast, 
the six bucks in the advance, and the squaws 
with the boy and baggage keeping a little to the 
rear. On the 12th, two wood-choppers were found 
in a canon and one of them killed, the other hiding 
so well in the rocks that the Indians could not find 
him. As they moved along the road the Apaches 
would fire their rifles into the houses, all of which 
Santiago saw were vacant, but when any killing 
was to be done or there appeared to be danger, 
the squaws were put into a safe place, but always 
where they could see what was going on. Very few 
people were found on the way, and all that were 
found were killed, unless they were fortunate enough 
to find a hiding place. 

On the second day after his capture the Indians 
camped in a valley a day's ride north of Cactus fiat, 
or about twenty miles from the White House, in the 
Mogollons, and here rested a long time. Other 
Indians joined the part}^ here, and the camp was 
made comfortable by the squaws. The bucks would 
leave the camp daily, and return with new horses 
and quantities of provisions, ammunition and money. 
The evenings they \vould spend in lively talk 
of their killings and the events of the trip, or 
gambling. One evening after they had been at this 



CONQUEST OF THE CHIRICAHUAS. 389 

camp some time, he saw a party of Indians gam- 
bling to decide his fate, his life being the stake 
against something else. Luck favored him, Santiago 
said, and he was permitted to live. 

After one of their trips a party returned loaded 
down with groceries, and a wagon load of miscel- 
laneous goods, such as peddlers carry around in their 
trips to the mining camps. There was a large lot 
of candy in the stock, which was distributed among 
the women and children in such a quantity that they 
were all made sick for a while from a surfeit of 
sweetness. A French peddler had been killed on 
the 13th. Although the Indians remained so long- 
in this locality and small war parties were continu- 
ally arriving and going out, they appear to have 
been completely unmolested, no alarm having been 
made at any time, although during the whole time 
troops were riding all over the mountains, and 
insisting that there were no Indians in the vicinity. 
These Apaches must have spent two or three months 
within twenty miles of the White House. 

After leaving this camp the Indians traveled 
about a great deal, making long and sometimes very 
hurried marches, living on horse-flesh most of the 
time, sometimes getting a little venison, but very 
seldom bread or anything else. Santiago remem- 
bered seeing several burning houses, and the party 
to which he belonged killed in all about twenty 
people from the time of his capture to the surrender. 



CHAPTER XXIIL 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 




G 



ENERAL NELSON G. MILES 

was assigned to command of 
the department of Arizona, April 
2nd, 1886, with instructions to carry 
on ceaselessly the most vigorous 
operations, looking to the destruc- 
tion or capture of the hostile 
Apaches. In his department, in a 
territory embracing 300,000 square 
miles, there were 47,000 Indians. 
The farms, flocks and mines of 
southern New Mexico and Arizona 
were abandoned on account of the 
depredations of the Chiricahua 
Apaches. The troops were discour- 
aged. One hundred and forty persons had been 
killed by the hostiles during the year. Yet there 
were but comparatively few on the warpath, and 
they were roaming over a mountain region 600 
miles long and 400 miles wide. 

General Miles inspired confidence in the troops 
and citizens, not only by his brilliant record in 

390 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 3'9l 

Indian campaigns, but by his judicious orders for 
placing the command in the most perfect condition 
for the difficult service before them. He employed 
with remarkable success the new system of helio- 
graph telegraphing, by which the movements of the 
small hostile bands in this desert, rugged country 
were quickly communicated after discovery. Sta- 
tions were established on mountain peaks from five 
to forty miles apart. They were often at a baromet- 
ric height of from 10,000 to 14,000 feet. There were 
fourteen stations in Arizona, and thirteen in New 
Mexico. The system covered in New Mexico, 313 
miles in air line. Sixty-eight operators and guards 
were employed in both districts, and for a period of 
five months 200,000 words w^ere sent. Eight words 
to the minute could be maintained by the operators 
by these sun flashes from peak to peak, which filled 
the wily foe with alarm. 

The military operations against Geronimo and 
Natchez were begun with vigor. The hostiles had 
made simultaneous attacks at three points in central 
Sonora. On the 27th of April, they broke over the 
line into the territory of the United States, passing 
down the Santa Cruz valley. Fourteen persons were 
killed by them. The Tenth cavalry were soon in 
pursuit, and overtook them thirty miles south of the 
American line, in the Pinito Mountains. Here an 
engagement displayed the bravery of the troops, but 
the Apaches escaped, followed continuously by the 
Fourth cavalry, till they were overtaken and sur- 
prised again in camp, May 15th, east of Santa Cruz. 
They lost twenty horses and their camp utensils. 



392 THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 

Their trail led to the east and to the north, having 
divided into two bands. Those who went north 
crossed the Southern Pacific Railroad, and passing to 
the west of Fort Grant in Arizona, they were inter- 
cepted and turned south, re-crossing into Mexican 
territory. 

These Apaches rode their horses to the limit of 
endurance, then abandoning them, climbed the high- 
est mountain ranges on foot, and descended into the 
valleys on the other side, to steal new horses and 
ride away from the troops, who were obliged to send 
their tired animals around the mountains, following 
them on foot, over peaks and chasms. 

The band which went west were hunted like deer 
by the Fourth cavalry. First fleeing north they 
entered Arizona east of Oro Blanco. Then they were 
pursued through the Santa Rita, Whetstone, Santa 
Catatina, and Rincon Mountains. Still pressed to 
the south they passed through the Patagonia range, 
and were forced a second time into Sonora. 

Captain Lawton, whose troops had been, with 
other commands of the Fourth cavalry, flying from 
point to point on the trail of the Apaches, inter- 
cepted them once and gave them no rest night or 
day. He now undertook with a fresh command 
their continuous pursuit in the extremely rugged 
country of northern Sonora. The Apaches were 
thoroughly acquainted with this country, whose 
rougher portions were sought as a refuge from the 
operations of the troops. 

"The inconceivable difficulties of this campaign in 
northern Sonora and Chihuahua, can not be appre- 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 395 

ciated till one stands in the plateau of the Sierra 
Madre, on the coast side of these mountains. From 
where one stands, 5,000 feet above the sea level, 
these peaks rise 6,000 or 7,000 feet above him. 
Once across the divide of the Sierra Madre, this 
absolute height appears in all its immensity. Down, 
down, down upon a rocky dangerous trail, now along 
a narrow divide, now a narrow side-cut into the 
middle of a precipice hundreds of feet high ; leading 
one's horse for hours, riding only for minutes, look- 
ing now almost vertically into a caiion whose bot- 
tom is a mile below; and from the same point, at 
the ridge now thousands of feet above, the descent of 
the Sierra Madre is made. Mountains, rugged, rocky, 
barren of vegetation and of life, rise around one until 
hemmed in on all sides, the trail opens in front a 
few feet only- You feel yourself a captive indeed 
in an unknown and forbidden land, the topography 
of which is the work of forces of awful, indescribable 
power; forces tearing everything before them, except 
the granite rocks themselves, and cutting the seams 
of these into chasms thousands of feet deep, with 
sides insurmountable except in the few places where 
nature unwillingly, sullenly permitting, the inhabit- 
ant has made burro trails. These afford a passage 
for the few supplies that he must obtain from his 
neighbors across the mountains, whenever the river 
swallows up the little four-acre farm that he has 
laboriously scraped together, between river and the 
rocky terrace 200 feet away. In this land of torrid 
heat no glaciers ever existed to smooth the mount- 
ains, to grind away the hills, to broaden the caiions 



396 THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 

and deposit soil in the resulting valleys; no frosts 
to disintegrate the mountains' face, and deposit the 
tagus at its foot, forming grassy foothills and afford- 
ing numerous easy ascents to the ridge behind them, 
but water, rushing, tearing, digging always at the 
bottom of its confines, leaving the sides towering 
above barren and impassable. 

"Sonora is deeply cut by six parallel rivers aver- 
aging twenty miles apart, between which rise the 
mountains in three or four parallel ranges. The 
caiions between these ranges empty east and west, 
through which run the narrow, dangerous mule 
trails. On the terraces above the river are a few 
miserable towns, or collections of windowless adobe 
huts, sheltering the half-naked inhabitants, who 
have fled from the solitary huts, near mountain 
springs, in terror of the Indian raids."* 

In this difficult country Captain Lawton closely 
pursued the Apaches, through the heat of July and 
August. The fugitives covered great distances with 
fresh horses stolen from every ranch. Some of Law- 
ton's troops were without rations for three days at 
a time, from the delays of pack-trains. Their shoes 
were soon made useless, and their cumbersome 
woolen clothing had to be cast off. Only under- 
clothing could be used. The heat was so intense, 
that the men could not bear their hands upon the 
iron-work of their guns, or on the rocks, and pack- 
animals were exhausted after traveling five or six 
miles. 

The Apache camp was surprised and attacked on 

* Report of Lieut. E. J. Spencer, 1886. 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 397 

the Yakequi river. The hostiles lost all their horses, 
and scattered in all directions, but their single trails 
were followed up till they came together again. 

During these energetic operations in the south, 
the whole Chiricahua tribe at Fort Apache, by the 
joint action of the War and Interior Departments at 
Washington, were safely removed under military 
guard by railroad to Florida. General Miles learned 
of the weak condition of Geronimo's camp about 
the first of July, and sent Lieutenant Gatewood to 
Geronimo, to demand his surrender. It was the 
24th of August before Gatewood could reach the 
Apache retreat, having joined Lawton's command in 
the pursuit. After opening negotiations through 
some Mexicans and two Indian scouts, he boldly 
rode into Geronimo's camp, and surrounded by these 
savages demanded their unconditional surrender as 
prisoners of war. Geronimo desired first to see 
Captain Law ton, whose persistent pursuit had com- 
manded his admiration. The interview was granted, 
and he was happy, but on the first day of conference, 
Geronimo refused the terms of surrender. The next 
day the Apaches consented to deliver themselves up 
to General Miles, throwing themselves on his mercy, 
and for eleven days Lawton's command moved 
north, with Geronimo and Natchez and their fol- 
lowers riding parallel to them and frequently camp- 
ing near the troops. Geronimo sent forward his 
brother to General Miles as a hostage, and on the 
evening of September 3d, General Miles arrived at 
Skeleton canon, in which transpired the closing 
scene of the Chiricahua Apache war. 



398 THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 

Soon after the commanding General had joined 
Lawton's troops, Geronimo came into camp and dis- 
mounted. Then approaching General Miles, he 
recounted his grievances, and declared that he had 
escaped from the reservation to save his life from 
assassination by Chato and Mickey Free, who were 
encouraged in their designs by one of the officials of 
the reservation. Having been bravely pursued by 
the troops, he had not enough ammunition left to 
make another fight. General Miles confirmed the 
terms of surrender already made, but said that they 
?? prisoners of war would not be killed, but removed 
with all the rest of the tribe from this country once 
and for all time. 

Geronimo replied that he would do whatever 
General Miles said, obey any order and bring in his 
camp the next morning. This was done, and 
Natchez, more suspicious and wild, the succeeding 
day came in with his followers in company with 
Geronimo. 

General Miles immediately started to return to 
Fort Bowie, sixty-five miles distant, where he 
arrived with Geronimo, Natchez and four other 
Indians the same night. Captain Lawton, three 
days later, came to Fort Bowie with the rest of the 
prisoners, except three men and three squaws, who 
on the last night of the march escaped toward the 
Mescallero reservation. The prisoners were sent 
under a heavy guard to Bowie Station, thence by 
rail transported to San Antonio, Texas, and from 
there to Fort Marion, Florida. 

Thus the Chiricahuas, the worst of all the Apache 




A NEW MEXICAN FIREPLACE. 



THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 401 

tribes, men, women and children, were not only 
effectually subdued by General Miles, but removed 
from the country, which had for many years been 
cursed by their presence at Fort Apache. This 
measure, so strongly advocated by the commanding 
general, was condemned by many friends of the 
Indians, in the east, since it included in exile not 
only those who had been concerned with atrocities 
of every kind, but the peaceable members of the 
tribe, and others like Chato's band, who had been 
lately in the service of the United States. On the 
other hand, those whose friends and property and 
peace had suffered in the Apache raids, demanded 
that Geronimo, Natchez, Cliato and other chiefs 
should be delivered to the authorities of New Mex- 
ico and Arizona, for trial and punishment, on 
charges of murder. 

General Miles, in the controversy, vigorously 
defended the measure for the relief of the country 
and the expatriation of the Chiricahuas, claiming for 
these Apache chiefs the same footing and treatment 
by the Government which had been accorded to 
Red Cloud, who led the Fort Fetterman massacre — 
Cliief Joseph, Rain-in-the-Face, Spotted Eagle, Sit- 
tino; Bull and others who had burned and mutilated 
their victims. 

The arbitrary banishment of the whole Chiricahua 
tribe, the education of their children at industrial 
schools, and the improvement of their material con- 
dition, made a salutary impression on the other 
Apache tribes. 

The final subjection of this tribe had been accom- 



402 THE CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL MILES. 

plished by the United States troops, guided by 
Indian scouts. They pursued the hostiles for more 
than 2,000 miles among the Rock}^ and Sierra 
Madre mountains. Lawton's command marched 
and scouted a total of 3,041 miles in their pursuit. 

The Mexican officials and Governor of Sonora 
co-operated in the most liberal and courteous way 
with the United States troops, under the terms of 
the compact between the two governments, in sub- 
duing the common foe. The feeling of relief was 
universal when this scourge of three hundred years 
seemed to be removed forever from the land. 



PERIOD X. 



AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT, 



1879 TO 1890. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



RAILROADS AND CIVILIZATION. 



T 




HE American dev el op- 



included in the years 1878 
to 1890, properly began 
with the building of its 
first railroad, the main 
line of the great Atchi- 
V son, Topeka and Santa Fe 
? system. It had for ten 
years been making its 
way from the Missouri 
river through Kansas, 
across the plains and 
mountains on the trail of 
the Santa Fe commercial wagon route, with the 
shores of the Pacific as its ultimate terminus. 

No enterprize has had such effect on the modern 
history of New Mexico as the construction of this 
railroad, which from a single link of eighteen miles 
in length, in 1869, has grown to a mighty chain, 
with divergent parts, over 6300 miles long, under 

405 



406 RAILROADS AND CIVILIZATION. 

absolute control of its corporation, besides a direc- 
tory of greater extent over railroads in Mexico, 
Arizona and California. 

The distance from Atchison to Santa Fe is 1150 
miles. The projectors of this road would have been 
satisfied with the assurance that its construction 
would reach that distant point within the present 
century. In three years it had extended eastward 
from Topeka to Atchison and westward to Wichita, 
Kansas. In 1873 it entered Colorado, and during 
the financial depression of three succeeding years 
its building was intermitted. Its ownership went 
into the hands of Boston people in 1875, and the 
same year it was pushed forward to Animas, Colo- 
rado, 531 miles from the Missouri river. A system 
of branch roads in Kansas was then developed, while 
the main line was urged on into the south-west coun- 
try over the old Santa Fe trail, and in 1878 entered 
New Mexico, by unequalled strides in rapidity of 
construction. At one time 360 miles were built in 
260 days in order to save its charter. On the 15th 
of February, 1880, the road was completed to Santa 
Fe, and the main line still making progress toward 
the south and west. 

This railroad, permanently endowed with the 
name of the Santa Fe Route, under the energetic 
and sagacious administration of its President, Wil- 
liam B. Strong, was made to traverse New Mexico 
by trunk line and branches a distance of 716 miles. 
By its Atlantic and Pacific railroad connections and 
California extensions it touches the Pacific. By its 
Mexican branch it reaches the Gulf of California at 



1 










d^ .ff... 'mL^v^Av%.v . .w..' 



RAILROADS AND CIVILIZATION. 409 

Guyamas, and over the Mexican Central it leads 
directly to the City of Mexico. 

There are three other great raih-oad systems ex- 
tending into and across New Mexico. On the soutli 
the Southern Pacific has 154 miles, traversing the 
territory in the south-west counties. On the nortli, 
the Denver and Rio Grande passes 150 miles within 
its borders, through mountain scenery of wonderful 
beauty and grandeur. The Pecos Valley Railroad 
connecting with the Texas Pacific system, penetrates 
the south-eastern portion of New Mexico, opening a 
short communication with the Gulf of New Mexico 
and with the Pacific, for the fine agricultural land 
along the Pecos river, and the mineral regions and 
vast stock ranges of Lincoln, Bernalillo and Santa 
Fe counties. Again, in a north and south direction 
runs the Denver, Texas and Fort Worth Road, 
extending from Trinidad north-east toward the Taos 
valley; and the Texas, Santa Fe and Northern Rail- 
road is projected into the extensive Cerrillos coal 
fields, the San Pedro mining region and the interior 
counties of the territory. 

The total railroad mileage of New Mexico in 
1889, was 1326 miles. This was equal to one mile 
of railroad to 92.42 square miles of territory, and to 
120.64 in the number of inhabitants. By the census 
of 1890, they were increased to 1400 miles, develop- 
ing the immense resources of the territory with a 
rapidity never before equalled in its history, and 
giving an encouraging impetus to immigration. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 




FROM the first discovery, when 
Christianity was introduced 
by the Franciscan fathers, the 
cli arches, convents, institutions 
of charity and ecclesiastical soci- 
eties have been a chief feature 
of the history of this territory. 

In 1821, Mexico excluded all 
Spaniards fi'oni her borders. At 
tliis time the Spanish clergy were 
expelled from the Proviuce of 
New Mexico, and Mexican priests 
succeeded to the control of relig- 
ious affairs. The change was 
disastrous to the interests of 
the Church. 

In 1798, the Franciscans had eighteen fathers 
and twenty-four missions in New Mexico. In 1805, 
twenty-six fathers and thirty missions maintained 
the religious spirit of the people. It had increased 
so much that when these zealous priests fled from 
the hatred and violence which had broken out 

410 




RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 411 

against the corruptions and oppressions of Castilian 
rulers and officials, they left churches and religious 
services among twenty Indian pueblos and in 102 
Spanish towns and rancherias. In Santa Fe, Albu- 
querque and Santa Cruz de la Canada, secular 
priests succeeded to the places which had been filled 
b}" Franciscan friars. In the following thirty years 
their religious institutions were neglected. The 
adobe chapels and churches crumbled into unsightly 
ruins. The Mexican priests disappeared, and much 
of the property of the church was confiscated to the 
government, or secretly plundered through the con- 
nivance of officials. 

In 1851, the most Rev. J. B. Lamy, D. D., who 
had been sent as the first missionary Bishop to New 
Mexico, under the re2:ime of the United States, 
arrived in Santa Fe. There were few churches in 
his diocese Avhich were not dilapidated, and he 
found the people both politically and religiously 
demoralized, through the effects of misgovernment 
under the Mexican Republic. Consecrated to this 
work as Bishop and Yiear Apostolic of New Mexico 
in 1850, at Cincinnati, he was destined to identify 
a life of undaunted courage, faith and toil for thirty 
years, \\\i\\ the progress of this south-western terri- 
tory in religious and educational matters. By ship- 
wreck in the Gulf of Mexico, sickness, hardships and 
perils of the overland journey, he first proved his 
apostolic mission. Disheartening opposition met 
him at the beginning of his ministry in inevitable 
conflicts with the authority of the jMexiean Bishop 
of Durano-o, who had included New Mexico in his 



412 RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

diocese. By a journey of 3,000 miles on horseback 
to Durango and return, Bishop Lamy harmonized 
this cause for anxiety with the prerogatives he held 
under his own commission. He showed great wis- 
dom as well as zeal in the administration of the dis- 
tracted diocese. Twelve times in its interest he 
crossed the plains from Santa Fe to Kansas City or 
St. Louis. In 1852, he brought back a small colony 
of the sisters of Loretto, two of whom perished on 
the journey through the wilderness. The Convent 
and Academy of our Lady of Light in Santa Fe, 
with five other convents and schools, have been the 
fruits of this planting amid the tears, afflictions, 
poverty and exile of this sisterhood. 

Li.l853 he appealed personally to the Pope Pius 
IX., at Rome, for laborers, and a company of zeal- 
ous French priests and ministerial students soon 
returned with the Bishop across the ocean, who after 
a two months' journey over the plains, arrived at 
Santa Fe, Nov. 15, 1854. Churches in all parts of 
New Mexico were revived or established by their 
labors. The Rev. Father Eguillon, Vicar-General 
and parish priest of the Cathedral, one of this band, 
from that time became intimately associated with 
Bishop Lamy, and still survives him in faithful 
labors. He himself was sent back to France in 
1859, for teachers, and in October of the same year 
arrived with four lu'others .of the Order of San 
Miguel, and nine ^^I'ifsts and ecclesiastics. The 
present St. Michaels College at Santa Fe was then 
begun as a school and their first building erected in 
1879. A subscription from the clergy and citizens 



RELIGION AND PULLIC EDUCATION. 413 

of $5,000 was the beginning of this building, to 
which a still larger edifice has been added, with 
the increasing prosperity of the institution. It was 
incorporated as a College in 1883. Twenty-two 
Pneblo Indian youth attended this school in 1879, 
the first effort at systematic Indian education for 
these tribes; but the promised government support 
failed, and they returned to their villages. This 
beneficent effort was some years later renewed by 
the permanent establishment of the St. Catharine 
Indian school at Santa Fe. The schools of the 
Christian brothers in Santa Fe, Mora, Taos and 
Bernalillo have generally prospered, but only two 
now survive the changes of population and the 
uncertain growth of towns in a great territory like 
New Mexico. 

Bishop Lamy enlisted the Sisters of Charity in 
Cincinnati in their Avork of founding a liospital and 
sanitarium which has become famous in Santa Fe, 
and with its extensive buildings has done immeas- 
urable good to the sick and afflicted, and to the 
orphans, many hundreds of whom these sisters have 
niu'tured and educated. 

On the 15th of August, 1867, this indefatigable 
prelate introduced the order of the Jesuits into his 
diocese. Their efforts resulted in a great revival 
of Roman Catholic zeal and devotion throughout the 
territory. They founded a school at Albuquerque, 
and a college at Las Vegas, in 1877. They also 
instituted the printing of religious and educational 
literature for the propagation of their ideas and doc- 
trines in the territory. Their influence and power 



414 RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

was manifest in social movements, the control of the 
priesthood and the final resignation of the Arch- 
bishop Lamy and the appointment of his able 
snccessor, Archbishop Salpointe, whose installation 
occurred Aua:nst 2(')tli, 1885. 

, An enduring monument to the sacrifices and toils 
of Archbishop Lamy and of his priests and people, 
is the beautiful and massive cathedral at Santa Fe. 
Its corner-stone was laid July 14th, 1869. The 
main l3uilding, with two imposing towers, has been 
erected, at a cost of $130,000, and another genera- 
tion will probabl}^ witness the completion of its 
statel}' and elegant design. Archbishop Lamy died 
in 1888, honored and loved by the people of New 
Mexico, of his own and other religious faiths. The 
influence of his life and labor in the south-west will 
never cease. His heroic spirit and toil were cast in 
with the Church in her time of depression and need, 
but are now her honored heritage in the history of 
this country which is indelibly impressed with her 
devotion and sacrifices. This church, Avhen he 
retired from the Episcopate, consisted of one arch- 
bishop, two vicar-generals, fifty-six priests and six 
convents, four colleges, one hospital, three Indian 
schools, seven orphan asylums, three orders of 
sisters, one brotherhood and other ecclesiastical 
societies; and embraced, also, a Roman Catholic 
population of over 100,000, including the Pueblo 
Indians. 

The opposition of the Jesuits to all kinds of legis- 
lation for common school education becauie very 
opeu., and aroused great suspicion aud distrust oi 




-+\^g^n' 



: ffa '4/ 



^ I 



V/T ^ 1/ 



VICTORIA, THE APACHE 



RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 417 

their society in New Mexico. They had been 
expelled from Mexico as a political rather than a 
religious society, which was hostile to the liberties 
of the people. The same political jealousy was also 
stirred against them in New Mexico, and effectually 
hindered an increase of their power in politics. On 
the 18th of January, 1878, an act to incorporate the 
society of the Jesuit Fathers of New Mexico was 
passed by the legislative assembly by a two-thirds 
vote over the veto of Governor S. B. Axtell, who 
had strenuously opposed their designs and shown 
the injuries which their influence would inflict upon 
the future welfare of the territory. 

This unconstitutional act, however, was very soon 
annulled by the Congress of the United States. The 
bill as passed b}^ the Legislature of New Mexico gave 
unlimited power to acquire, hold and transfer, all 
kinds of property, both real and personal, and the 
exemption from taxation of all the eft'ects and prop- 
erty of said corporation. It was plainly in violation 
of the Revised Statutes of the United States, which 
declares "The legislative assemblies of the several 
territories shall not grant private charters or espe- 
cial privileges." 

The result of this effort at undue control of 
influence in the territory was to put an effectual 
check to the rapid encroachments of the Jesuit 
party upon the rights and privileges of American 
citizenship. 

The Protestant Christian missionaries entered 
New Mexico soon after the American Conquest, 
but found it at first impossible to get a permanent 



418 RELIGION AND FUBLIC EDUCATION. 

foothold. A Baptist missionary, who was on the 
ground as early as 1849, began a mission school at 
Santa Fe, and erected the first Protestant Church 
in New Mexico at the capital. The Methodist^ 
also maintained a missionary there in 1850, who 
remained two years. The Baptist mission and 
cliurch property was purchased by the Presbyteri- 
ans in 1866, and their present flourishing mission 
school for Mexican girls Avas established upon tliis 
foundation. The old adol)e church erected by tlici 
Baptists was demolished in 1881, and a tasteful 
brick edifice built upon its site by the Presbyterians. 

Both the Methodist and Presbyterian denomina- 
tions have planted and maintained Avitli great per- 
severance, missions among the native population in 
many other localities. Their outlay of benevolent 
funds has been larg-e. The Presbvteriaus had in 
1888, three boarding schools for girls, and over 
twenty free common schools in the territory, with 
active churches in nearly all the important towns 
The Methodists have successfully maintained many 
native churches and several for the American popu- 
lation, and have begun a college at Albuquerque and 
an industrial college at San Juan, being one of the 
most progressive of the religious societies in the 
south-west. 

The Episcopal missions were later upon the 
ground. The first Episcopal service was held in 
1863, and a missionary diocese established in 1874, 
with the Right Rev. William Forbes Adams, D. D., 
as the first Bishop. Out of the missionary labors of 
this church for a number of years several churches 



RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 419 

were consecrated at important points in the territory 
by his successor, the .lamented bishop, George K. 
Dunlop, D. D., whose effective service in this field 
ended with his death in 1887. He was succeeded 
by the Right Rev. J. M. Kendrick, D. D., who still 
holds the diocese of New Mexico and Arizona in his 
charge. 

The Congregationalists have had the most flourish- 
ing educational institutions among the Protestants 
in this territory. They have academies at Las 
Vegas, Albuquerque and Santa Fe ; ten or twelve 
free common schools for Mexicans, a college with its 
Indian Department, the Raniona school, at Santa 
Fe, and four or five churches in the larger towns. 

The University of New Mexico, located at Santa 
Fe, was incorporated under their auspices. May 11th, 
1881, and for seven years well occupied the ground 
for higher education. Its first preparator3^ school 
was opened September 11th, 1881, and the corner- 
stone of Whitin Hall, its first permanent building, 
was laid October 21st, 1882, "in the name of Chris- 
tian education, in behalf of intellectual progress and 
improvement, in the hope and trust that it would be 
a stronghold of intelligence and morality, and a bul- 
wark against ignorance and vice." Whitin Hall 
w\as completed in October, 1887, and was mainly the 
gift to New Mexico education of the family of John 
C. Whitin, Esq., of Massachusetts. The Ramona 
Indian Girl's school Avas opened April 1st, 1885, at 
first for the youth of the neighboring Pueblo vil- 
lages, and wlioM. tlioso were transferred to the St. 
Catharine school in Santa Fe, subsequently estab- 



420 RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

lished by the Roman Catholics, the Ramona school 
was devoted to the education of Apache Indian 
youth. Under the same management of the Uni- 
versity of New Mexico at Santa Fe, the Government 
Indian school in the same city had its origin, foun- 
dation and first endowment of ^25,000 by Congress, 
with a gift of 100 acres of land from the citizens of 
Santa Fe. The last annual appropriation for its 
maintenance and enlargement was nearly three 
times the original appropriation. 

PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

Though California, like New Mexico, was a con- 
quered Mexican province and an unpromising educa- 
tional field, in twenty-five years she was one of the 
foremost States of the Union, in her schools and 
system of public education. For ten years the 
influences of a new American population have been 
likewise felt in New Mexico. In 1880, this was the 
most illiterate part of the Union. The Mexican and 
Indian population were increasing in ignorance and 
w^ere mostly unable to read or write. Not ten 
per cent, of the youth of the whole territory were 
reached by any kind of school. The compulsory 
school law on the Statutes was wholly ineffective, 
and skillfully managed to collect money from prop- 
erty and license taxes for the benefit of unknown 
persons or institutions. One-fourth the territorial 
taxes went into the hands (A irresponsible commis- 
sioners, who were not obliged to account for receipts, 
and never reported schools, scholars, pupils of school 



RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 423 

age, school buildings nor teachers. There were no 
school statistics known to territorial officials. Per- 
sons were eno:ao;ed for teachers who could not read 
an American newspaper, others were assigned duty 
as sheep herders. 

The legislature of 1882 passed a law by which 
school districts could be organized by the act of one- 
fifth of the voters in that district, and one-quarter of 
their taxes used for the support of a school. In the 
railroad towns two or three schools were organized 
and a report was given of twenty schools in Taos, as 
the result of this timid step forward to enjoy the 
most valued privilege of American citizens, the edu- 
cation of the common school. In a population of 
120,000, there were 52,994 who could not read. It 
had been profitable to a few persons to keep the 
light of American civilization from penetrating the 
barrier of dense ignorance. 

But a few persistent individuals had also begun 
the agitation of the subject of public education and 
never ceased to discuss it in the press, in the market 
place and in the legislature. A few good denomin- 
ational schools, and the example of American youth 
coming from these schools to take a forward place 
in business and in society had a good effect. The 
native New Mexican was not slow to appreciate the 
increasing demand for knowledge in the conduct of 
ordinary business, and their religious schools were 
crowded by the youth of those native families 
whose parents could send them. Their representa- 
tives demanded in the legislature better and more 
numerous public schools. The school laws were 



424 RELIGION AND PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

improved at every session. Permanent school build- 
ings were erected in every ambitious town, and 
native Mexicans were stimulated to seek for their 
children the same advantages which the United 
States Government provided for Pueblo and Apache 
Indian tribes, by establishing schools at the agencies 
and in the pueblos, and three central industrial train- 
ing schools for them at Santa Fe and Albuquerque. 

The total enrollment of public schools in New 
Mexico has reached in 1889, 14,600; the average 
daily attendance is 12,680. A systematic report 
from each county superintendent now gives reliable 
data on which to base the estimates of educational 
growth in the territory. There are public school 
buildings valued at about $500,000, and the prop- 
erty of private institutions is valued at $263,000. 

By the legislature of 1888, there were established 
a State University at Albuquerque, a school of 
mines at Socorro and an agricultural school at Las 
Cruces, each supported by a special tax on all the 
assessable property of the territory. These institu- 
tions have been organized sufficiently to erect build- 
ings and begin the preparatory educational work 
which will become invaluable to New Mexico as a 
State, whose acreage and natural resources are so 
vast, and whose remarkable variety of soil, climate 
and production will maintain the industries of mill- 
ions of people. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 




HE most remark- 
able feature of the 
American develop- 
ment of New Mex- 
ico was the result 
of utilizing the 
primitive ideas of its 
first inhabitants in 
their methods of agri- 
culture in degrees char- 
acteristic of American 
Comprehensive systems of 
irrigation of great magnitude began to be devised 
about 1885. Legislation favorable to the forming 
of land and ditch companies was effected in 1886. 
The possession of water rights with large extents 
of lands through the purchase of grants and the 
entry of lands under the homestead and desert land 
acts, made the success of these companies formed on 
a large financial scale probable and extremely profit- 
able. A few corporations were organized in 1887 

425 



energy and enterprise. 



426 IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 

and 1888, and in the two succeeding years about fifty 
organizations, Avitli a nominal capital of $12,000,000, 
were incorporated for the development of the lands 
hitherto given up to grazing. The operations already 
l)egun by these companies brought into cultivation or 
into conditions suitable for it during 1890, a million 
;icres of fruitful soil. The largest of these compan- 
ies are located in the Rio Grande and Pecos valleys, 
and on the Maxwell land grant. The country be- 
tween Raton and Springer has been changed from 
one of the finest pasture lands in the world, to a 
great wheat and fruit bearing region. 

The Rio Grande valley from Wallace to the 
Jornada del Muerto and below the Jornada to the 
Texas line, has been largely devoted to the exten- 
sion of canal systems, which utilize the higher 
benches of this great central basin. The Messilla 
valley has become famous for its great vineyards 
and orchards of peaches, pears, plums and apples, 
and for its rich alfalfa meadow^s. New towns are 
growing in the centers of these now fertile districts. 
The most surprising development by irrigation of 
an uninhabited wilderness, has been well advanced 
in the lower Pecos valley. Its works and improve- 
ments on a grand scale of development, if more 
particularly described, will illustrate the probable 
outlays and returns in similar enterprizes in other 
parts of the territory. 

, The undertakings of the Pecos Valley Irrigation 
and Investment Company have been conceived and 
carried out by men of broad ideas, undaunted cour- 
age and great financial strength. 



IRRIGATION IN NEW 31 EX I CO. 427 

The remarkable river and valley of the Pecos may 
be regarded as divided into three distinct sections in 
its conrse through the eastern portion of New Mex- 
ico. The first division extends from the Delaware 
to the caiion, eight miles above Eddy, a distance of 
forty-two miles. It is bounded on the west by the 
sturdy range of the Guadalupe Mountains, and is 
fully sixty miles wide. Here is unquestionably 
what will become the richest agricultural region in 
the territor}^ It is a plain, covered with a soil of 
fine dark chocolate loam, from sixteen to twenty 
feet deep. From the Delaware to the Black river, 
both flowing from the west, and the latter a clear, 
powerful stream, the soil has more of an adobe char- 
acter with considerable gypsum. It is now covered 
with low mesquite and greasewood, but constitutes 
an unbroken plain on the west of the river, as sus- 
ceptible to irrigation as a garden. 

On the east side of the Pecos, the ground rises by 
a few low hills to a similar plain, with soil of the 
finest quality, formed by rincons and lagoons of the 
ancient river bed. The country ascends from the 
Black river to the canon, by a gradual slope, with a 
lighter and more pliable sandy soil. The caiion, 
formed by the ancient bluffs of the Pecos coming 
together, extends to Seven Rivers. 

Here begins the second agricultural section of the 
Pecos valley, of a quite different and remarkable 
quality. This stretches from Seven Rivers to Ros- 
well, still skirting on both sides of the Pecos river 
and broadening out into a plain, containing on the 
east side 50,000 acres of agricultural land. It is a 



428 IKRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 

country of springs and marshes, in the midst of 
wide, level and fertile plains. These powerful 
springs or lagoons, at short distances across the 
plain from west to east below Roswell, form deep 
streams with rapid flow, from thirty to sixty feet 
wide, constituting the Hondo river, a branch of the 
Pecos. This is the w\ater supply of the upper sys- 
tem of canals of the Pecos Valley Corporation, which 
are here entirely independent of the flow of the 
Pecos river. The difficulties encountered in the con- 
struction of these canals have been less than in the 
lower system, but the land bordering upon them 
has been as eagerly located for cultivation and 
investment. 

The third section of the Pecos valley extends from 
Fort Sumner to the mountain region north-east of 
Santa Fe. It is a country ill suited to agriculture 
by irrigation. 

The Pecos river is at the bottom of this great irri- 
gation enterprise. It runs wdthin the limits of New 
Mexico fully 400 miles, but, till it reaches Roswell, 
its flow and A^olume are uncertain. From Roswell 
to the Delaware for sixty-five miles it is fed by 
springs with a natural artesian flow issuing from 
its deep banks or from the bed of the stream. 
Below Roswell the strong currents of the Hondo 
give a constant volume to the swift and deepened 
current. But for its steep, high banks, the Pecos 
would flood the great plain. It is in fact a series of 
rapids from two and one half to three feet deep, and 
from seventy to one hundred feet wide. This is 
entirely the product of springs in a dry season. 



I < 




IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 431 

Increased by the usual mountain supply from snow 
and rains, the flow is ample for the canals, and the 
filling and replenishing of the great storage reser- 
voirs of the system. 

This portion of the Pecos valley borders on the 
staked plains of Texas. It has been a paradise for 
cattle men. Their herds by tens of thousands have 
fed on its rich grasses since 1870. Before that it 
was the domain of the Apache, and a favorite hunt- 
ing ground for buffalo, antelope, deer and smaller 
game, that have had their range and habitation in 
unnumbered thousands on these plains. 

Under the laws of New Mexico, Mr. C. B. Eddy, 
long familiar with the value of this region for agri- 
culture, first acquired the right to use the waters of 
the Pecos for irrigation, and constructed in 1884 a 
system of ditches which should irrigate 25,000 acres 
on the east bank of the Pecos, above the Black river. 
This has been enlarged to one that will raise the 
Pecos valley to prominence as the most fertile region 
of the south-west. 

As one drives up the valley toward the town of 
Eddy, the extent of these great hydraulic works 
awakens admiration. A line of reddish hue, rising 
above the horizon, winding in a serpentine course 
over the plain, first attracts the eye. It is a level 
rampart from twelve to fifteen feet high, constitut- 
ing a perfect carriage road. The canal bed is sunk 
twelve feet below the ground along this huge dike. 
The main ditch is forty-five feet wide at the bottom, 
and seventy feet at the top. This continues four 
and a half miles from the head gates leading by a 



432 IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 

cut 500 feet long through a hill of solid Umestone, 
to the reservoir formed by the dam, constructed of 
the rock thus excavated on the side of the Pecos 
river. From this dam the water flows back into a 
natural depression surrounded by grass-covered hills. 
The lake thus formed is six and a half miles long, 
and three-quarters of a mile wide, bounded by irreg- 
ularly curving shores, and leaving islands to break 
its surface. The capacity of this reservoir is 1,000,- 
000,000 cubic feet. When completed and filled, it 
will have a pressure of thirteen feet head above the 
water in the canal and twenty feet above its stand- 
ard grade. The dam of the river requires a crest 
ten feet wide with a base of 115 feet in width. It 
stretches 1040 feet to the opposite bluif, and its 
crest is forty feet high from the water's edge. Its 
core is of limestone, rising from the bed-rock of the 
river, and covered with earth at a slope of two to 
one. Its permanency is also secured by the use of a 
natural draw, or outlet, five feet below the top of the 
dam, which will release the surplus waters of a 
flood. The cut which forms the entrance gate to 
the canal is thirty feet wide, twenty-five feet high, 
and 500 feet in length. Thi^ hill of solid rock can 
never be washed away. 

The main canal diverges into two forks where the 
crossing of the river is made. To preserve the 
grade of the extension westward, a huge earth- 
work carries the ditch securely to the river's edge. 
This terreplein is an embankment 1800 feet long. 
Through it runs the channel, twenty-five feet wide 
at the bottom with banks on each side eighty feet 



IRRIGATION IN NEW MEXICO. 433 

wide. It is 169 feet wide and rises sixty feet from 
the water's level. It is joined by an imposing flume 
475 feet long, twenty-five feet wide and eight feet 
high, resting on trestle work thirty-eight feet clear 
above the bottom of the river. Its spans are from 
sixteen to twenty feet apart and it is connected with 
another terreplein 300 feet long on the west side of 
the river, of the same dimensions as the other, 
which continues the canal to the natural bank of 
the river. These terrepleins were constructed of 
130,000 cubic yards of packed earth from which 
every root and stone was zealously excluded. Tim- 
ber and lumber for the flume were transported from 
Eastern Texas 600 miles by railroad, and over 100 
miles by wagon. The excavation of the ditches 
occupied 1,000 laborers and 300 teams for nine 
months. The storage reservoir would alone supply 
the capacity of the canal for nineteen days. 

The main canals will carry seven feet of water. 
The main laterals, constructed at the company's 
expense, will exceed 100 miles in length, with water 
three or four feet deep, giving draught for canal 
and small boats and easy transportation back and 
forth over these plains. The smaller ditches made 
by property owners, will intersect the country three 
times as long as the company's laterals. These 
will be planted by thousands of trees along these 
canals and over these plains; orchards and groves 
will soon give beauty, attract rain and thus double 
the fertility of the country. The northern and 
southern systems will make irrigable 200,000 acres 
of rich land in New Mexico, besides an equal amount 



4;)4 IRRIGATlOX IX XEW MEXICO. 

wliicli will be fertilized by an extension of the main 
ditches into Texas. 

The splendid possibilities of this region thus 
reclaimed for habitation are demonstrated by two or 
three years of cultivation. Grain, fruits and vege- 
tables common in Western and Southern States, 
have grown in perfection. Alfalfa, millet and 
sorghum have made surprising yields; fruit-trees in 
this equable and healthful climate have grown 
rapidly and borne quickly; and the most flourishing 
towns in New Mexico, like Eddy and Roswell, have 
sprung up as by magic, with modern improvements 
and buildings and railroad facilities in the midst of 
this favored region, with unquestionable financial 
backing. This has ])een furnished chiefly from Colo- 
rado and New York through the efforts of Messrs. 
J. J. Hagerman and Charles B. Eddy, the chief pro- 
moters of this great undertaking. These enterprises 
possess an unequalled stretch of fertile country to 
induce the immigration and settlement of progress- 
ive people, wdiose season of work and industry in 
that mild climate need never end, and whose pros- 
perity will be identified with a Avonderful progress. 



CHAPTER XXVIL 



CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 



£::^. 





THE iJopulation of New Mex- 
ico, by the census of 1890, 
is 153,:^06, including 8,408 
Pueblo Indians and 1,461 



r';y,'^E3J^3'Hif" United States troops. This 
'^ ''"'' indicates a gain since 1880, 
of 32,594. It has been greatly 
changed in its character 
within ten 3'ears, but it con- 
tains quite as large a proportion of loyal citizens 
who spent their blood and treasure in defend- 
ing the flag of the Union, as any otlier terri- 
tory that has been lately admitted to the Union. 
These people have repeatedly fought against savage 
Indians at their own expense when the Government 
could not protect their homes. Yet they have been 
su])missive to the Luv^s of the United States for 
forty-three years without enjoying many advantages 
of citizenship. 

The new population have induced the outlay of a 
large amount of capital in the industries of mining 

435 



436 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

and cattle raising, and the modern improvements of 
towns, and the development of agricultural lands 
by irrigation corporations. 

There is in New Mexico in 1890 a total taxable 
property of nearly $50,000,000. 

Of the 77,568,640 square acres of territory in 
New Mexico more than one-fourth, or about 20,000,- 
000 acres, can be made available for agriculture with 
the great advantage derived from irrigation. Its 
productive capacity, therefore, which can be increased 
by springs and artesian wells, is equal to that of Illi- 
nois. In 1888 New Mexico had under cultivation 
with wheat, corn and oats, 151,402 acres, the value 
of these crops being $1,973,190. During the same 
year Colorado had 229,208 acres under the same cul- 
tivation, with crops valued at $3,253,230. 

If we deduct the total acres included in land 
grants, Indian and military reservations and govern- 
ment land entries already made by the people, which 
all amount to 21,822,401 acres, there is still avail- 
able area of 56,551,962 acres. It is estimated that 
of this number, 14,125,203 acres are covered by 
mountains, and 3,610,793 acres are arid and barren 
lands. Still there remains in New Mexico 38,815,- 
966 acres of irrigable, agricultural and grazing 
lands open for entry or settlement. 

The agricultural lands are comprised in five 
sections. These include the valleys of the Rio 
Grande, Pecos, Canadien, Gila and Colorado and 
San Juan rivers. The Rio Grande has a fall of 
2200 feet in a distance of 356 miles within New 
Mexico, and its waters can be distributed over its 



CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 437 

great valley in the heart of New Mexico, with a 
climate and soil remarkably adapted to the produc- 
tion of grains and fruit. 

The country between the Taos valley and Joya is 
broken and mountainous and heavily wooded. Sev- 
eral streams with narrow bodies of fertile land enter 
the Rio Grande from east to west. Southward to 
the Puerto river the tillable land is from one to ten 
miles wide. At Santo Domingo it is very narrow, 
then widens to six or seven miles below San Felipe. 
Thus it contracts and expands as if a series of bays 
or lakes had gradually been emptied of their waters 
through connecting channels, and left the fine agri- 
cultural bottom lands, like those of the famed Mes- 
silla valley around Las Cruces, for the use of the 
numerous population that shall in the future as in 
the past find their homes and industrial occupation 
within its borders. 

The upper Pecos valley, narrow above old Fort 
Sumner, has strips of very fertile land, but below 
that point from the northern extremity of the Gua- 
dalupe Mountains to the mouth of the Delaware 
Creek, the valley of the Pecos, except where it nar- 
rows near Seven Rivers, is one unbroken, continuous, 
level and fertile bottom, through which the canals 
of the great irrigation company extend, bringing 
within the possibilities of cultivation 200,000 acres. 
The Canadien river flows for two hundred miles 
through an agricultural district, watered also by its 
tributaries, the Little Cimmaron, Yemejo, Rayado, 
Ocate and Mora rivers. These streams are bordered 
with lands from one to six miles wide, and tile main 



438 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

river falls gradually from an altitude of 5,000 to 
3,000 feet. 

The Gila and Colorado rivers, with their branches, 
water a belt of country from fifty to one hundred 
miles wide, along the whole western border of New 
Mexico. The San Juan river country cannot be 
excelled in climate or fertility of soil for the produc- 
tion of vegetables, grapes and other fruits. The 
river has three large tributaries, and the Chama 
valley in the great county of Rio Arriba having 
eight streams flowing into it with their rich lands 
on either side, constitutes one of the most productive 
portions of New Mexico. 

The temperature and rainfall varies in this great 
territory with the elevation and latitude. In the 
central and moderately-elevated county of San Mi- 
guel the mean annual temperature for thirteen years 
has been 50.6 degrees; the coldest month, January, 
averaging 31 degrees above zero, and the warmest, 
July, 70.7 degrees. In the same county, the rainfall 
annually for three years, from 1886 to 1889, was 
21.19 inches. Of this average, 13.85 inches fell 
yearly during the months of June, July, August 
and September of the regular rainy season. 

A skilled fruit grower* wrote on fruit culture in 
New Mexico in 1889: "The abundant fruit crops of 
1888 has done more to demonstrate the capabilities 
of the soil and climate of New Mexico for fruit pro- 
duction than all the years which preceded it; not 
only have local towns been glutted with tons of lus- 
cious fruit, but the railroads have carried our super- 

* Arthui IJoyle, Esq., of Santa Fc. 



CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 441 

abundant harvest to distant markets. New Mexico 
has this year made another step in advance; she 
has entered the arena to compete with California as 
a fruit producing country, and nothhig can stop her 
marching with giant strides to tlie front. All the 
fruit has been superior of its kind. The color, form, 
odor and flavor could not be surpassed, and left noth- 
ing to be desired. Strawberries, raspberries, cher- 
ries, apricots, peaches, plums, pears and apples, all 
in their season have been sold in open market, in 
competition with California and other fruit, and 
have invariably fetched as high or higher price than 
anything offered. 

"But there is urgent need for more orchards. 
Increased product will make increased demand; 
shipments by the train-load will realize more profit 
to the grower than shipments by the car. There is 
not any where a better opening for the employment 
of capital and skilled labor than in the planting of 
fruit-trees in New Mexico. Fruit raising here is one 
of the most profitable and promising industries in 
the whole west." 

A farmer of thirty years' experience in Iowa* thus 
contrasts with it his success in farming and stock 
raising in New Mexico: "I became disgusted with 
the cold winters and the stock business in Iowa, and 
decided to come to New Mexico. Possessing myself 
of improved agricultural implements in 1878, J 
ploughed deep about 450 acres of land, sowing about 
350 acres in alfalfa, 50 acres in oats, and planted 
50 acres in corn. The result was a good crop of 

* Mr. M. E. Dame, of San Miguel County. 



442 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

each without irrigation. 1 planted the corn thick, 
and found it made more feed, and a much bettei- 
quality than the same acreage in Iowa. The corn 
has more foliage, is not so rank, has more ears, 
owing to the climatic condition ; it cures better, and 
has more saccharine matter. The soil seems to be 
loaded with plant food. The winters in this part of 
the territory are about right for profitable feeding. 
My experience shows that only one-third the corn 
and fodder is required to fatten cattle here that is 
necessary in Iowa, for the reason that the feed is 
better, the climate is dry, clear and bracing, with 
almost constant sunshine. In fattening 120 head of 
steers last winter, I do not think there were 100 
pounds of feed wasted; hogs do wonderfully well 
feeding with cattle, better than in the States. Of 
all the animals that appreciate sunshine, the hog 
takes the lead, they raise their young with success 
every month in the year. The mild, dry climate 
insures them a dry bed, which prevents them from 
piling up in sleeping and getting overheated, wet 
and feverish, from which throat and lung troubles 
proceed, very often called cholera. They take on 
fat wonderfully fast. I find that alfalfa will grow 
them to perfection with a little corn to ' top off ' 
with to make hard, firm meat. 

"The year 1888 I sowed a field of barley after the 
middle of July and harvested it in November. It 
grew rank and fine, producing from forty to sixty 
bushels to the acre of the best quality, very bright 
and heavy. I find deep fall ploughing advantageous. 
There is no trouble in raising two crops of oats, rye 



CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. A4S 

and barley, one of grain and one of bay, from one 
sowing on tbe same gromid. Last week 1 barvested 
seventeen tons of fine oat hay from fonr acres of 
ground. This week T harvested a fine crop of oat 
hay from twenty-fonr acres sown in August, all with- 
out irrigation. Grain will grow and ripen any time 
except in winter. I am Avell pleased with my experi- 
ence of farming in New Mexico. It is a successful 
stock-growing and feeding country, for the reason 
you can fatten cattle and hogs on about one-third the 
amount of food required in tbe States. There is nq 
better dairy country than this. My neighbors since 
they have provided themselves with improved agri- 
cultural implements have made a grand success in 
farming, feeding from 100 to 300 head of cattle 
each during tbe fall and winter." 

The extent of tbe mineral resources of New 
Mexico caimot be adequately estimated. Her coal 
deposits are perhaps of the greatest value, and only 
measured by the extent of the present workings, 
and prospects indicate a great future development. 
They are found in Colfax, Mora, Taos, Santa Fe, 
Bernalillo, Valencia and Socorro counties in large 
veins for working. The anthracite coal fields in 
Santa Fe county produce coal of the purest quality, 
and in several parts of the territory the coal pos^ 
sesses the finest cokeing properties. 

From the four regions where coal is extensively 
mined in New Mexico, it is shipped to distant 
points: the anthracite of the Cerrillos Mines as far 
east as Kansas City; the bituminous coal of Raton 
and Cerrillos is transported to Mexico and to the 



444 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

Pacific States. The coal industry already employs 
over 1500 men, who produce annually over 1,000,000 
tons. The Monero and Amargo coal mines in the 
north supply in part tlie Denver & Rio Grande Rail- 
road; Blossburg, Raton and Carthage coals run the 
locomotives of the Santa Fe and Mexican Central 
Railroads; Gallop mines supply the Atlantic & 
Pacific Railroad trains, and Cerrillos coal meets the 
local demand, and enters the market of distant cities. 

The Cerrillos coal fields are in close proximity to 
deposits of iron, copper, silver, lead and zinc, and 
the gold bearing sands of southern Santa Fe county. 

The two mining districts of Santa Fe county 
which have yielded the most encouraging results for 
large expenditures of money are at Cerrillos and 
San Pedro. The latter has two prominent mines, 
which support expensive mining operations. The 
most widely known belongs to the Santa Fe Copper 
Company, whose smelting works have built up the 
prosperous mining town of San Pedro, and the Lin- 
coln Lucky Mining Company own a rich silver 
bearing mine proximate to the San Pedro Copper 
workings. 

The resources of New Mexico are quite evenly dis- 
tributed over its great domain. There are sixteen 
counties, but these would make over a hundred of 
ordinary size in other States. 

The principal mineral bearing counties are Santa 
Fe, Socorro, Grant, Sierra and Doila Aila. Gold, sil- 
ver, lead and copper abound in these and also in 
portions of Colfax, Lincoln and Bernalillo counties. 
There are notable mining camps at Silver City, 



CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 445 



&' 



Kingston, Pinos Altos, Georgetown, Lordsburg 
Hillsborough, Chloride, Lake Valley, Hermosa, Cer- 
rillos, Golden, San Pedro, Kelley, Socorro, Magda- 
lena. White Oaks, Nogal and Taos. 

There are in active operation smelters, stamp 
mills or reduction works in most of the working 
camps. Some of these, as at Socorro and Silver 
City, are very extensive and costly mining plants. 
The production of a few mines like the Superior, 
Lady Franklin and Brush Heat, at Kingston, and 
two at Chloride Flats, near Silver City, have been 
already from $500,000 to $3,000,000 each. 

The mineral output of New Mexico in 1889 was 
carefully figured by an experienced mining Superin- 
tendent of long residence in the territory, Mr. 
Walter C. Hadley, of Sierra county, to be in gold 
$1,136,320; in silver, $1,891,105; in copper, $642,- 
620; in lead, $354,839, or a total value of $4,023,- 
884. Only four States and territories in the United 
States exceed New Mexico in bullion product, and 
her resources have only been imperfectly prospected, 
rather than developed by careful and scientific 
mining. 

Some of the finest pine and cedar timber in the 
L^nited States is found in the Raton Mountains of 
Colfax county, in the Taos county ranges, in the 
Santa Fe Mountains and in the Tierra Amarilla 
table lands in Rio Arriba county; timber lies also 
along the head waters of the Pecos, in the Sandia 
Mountains near the Rio Grande, in the Sacramento 
Mountains in Lincoln county, in the Burro and 
Mimbres Mountains in Grant county, in the Black 



446 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

range of Sierra county, the Magollon ranges of 
Socorro, the San Mateo and Jeniez Mountains of 
Bernalillo county. 

The United States department of Agriculture esti- 
mates that there are in New Mexico 12,500 square 
miles of strictly forest area, embracing fourteen 
varieties of trees. 

The entire territory is a fine stock range. Lin- 
coln, Colfax, Socorro, San Miguel and Mora counties 
have the largest number of cattle, while the sheep 
and goats are most numerous in Bernalillo, San 
Miguel, Valencia, Rio Arriba, Santa Fe and Taos 
counties. 

The stores of building material, besides lumber in 
New Mexico, are inexhaustible. Various kinds of 
building stone are found. There are mountains of 
limestone and red sandstone, and vast tracts of 
gypsum deposits, and cement, fire clay and slate. 
The sandstone of New Mexico has been regarded by 
contractors of superior quality. The assessed prop- 
erty value of New Mexico in 1890 is nearly 
$50,000,000, yet neither mines nor railroads nor 
irrigation ditches are included in this amount. The 
valuation of the territory in 1880 was $14,000,000. 
The entire indebtedness of the territory amounts to 
$750,000, but by an economical administration this 
debt is being decreased at the rate of from $60,000 
to $100,000 yearly. These liabilities were incurred 
for the erection of the territorial Penitentiary and 
the Capitol building, which are of substantial and 
massive construction. The Capitol is creditable in 
design, extent, material and ornamentation, to the 



CLAIMS TO STATJiHUOD. 449 

patriotism and confidence of the people of New 
Mexico in lier future importance as a State. 

Santa Fe, with a population of 6,088, still contin- 
ues to be the largest town of New Mexico, and is 
followed in population by Las Vegas, 4,693; Albu- 
querque, 3,794; Las Cruces, 2,416; Silver City, 
2 252; Eddy, 1,500; Lincoln, 1,000. 

New Mexico has three times, by Constitutional 
Convention, formally applied for admission to the 
Union as a State. When first occupied by the 
American army in 1846 and by subsequent treaty 
obligations, she was promised all the privileges of 
Statehood. Her first application to Congress in 
1850, wdien a Constitutional Convention was held 
and officers elected, was rejected. She was made a 
territory Sept. 9, 1850, and has ever since been gov- 
erned by foreign officials, reaping but little advantage 
from her annexation to the American Republic till 
within the last decade. Her resources have been 
left undeveloped, the education and advancement of 
her peojjle utterly neglected, and they have been 
rescarded with distrust as descendants of an alien 



race 



It was the will of Congress to give New Mexico 
Statehood in 1874. The enabling act v/as passed b}' 
both houses by a majority of nearly three-fourths, 
but the failure of the House of Representatives to 
act upon some slight amendments passed by the 
Senate caused the bill to be lost. It was again 
passed by the Senate of the Forty-fourth Congress, 
March 10, 1876, but not acted upon by the House. 
More than half of the twenty-seven legislati^'o 



450 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

assemblies have memorialized Congress for the pas- 
sage of an enabling act, but without effect. In the 
Fiftieth Congress she has recently again strenuously 
sought for the recognition of her rights, and has been 
denied them by the Republican Senate, though the 
privilege of Statehood was granted to Wyoming, 
Idaho and Dacotah. 

New Mexico, in her history, resources, population 
and loyalty in the Civil War, has had imperative 
claims upon the Government and people of the 
United States for her recognition with equal rights 
to those States that in the years of her territorial 
existence have been admitted to the full privilege 
and benefits of the Union. 

Her rejection has not been from the disloyalty of 
her citizens, nor from her lack of wealth, the fertility 
and extent of her possessions, or the number of her 
inhabitants, but plainly from a prejudice which early 
gained strength against her among the people of the 
North. 

New Mexico was conquered and afterward pur- 
chased by treaty in order to make out of her great 
domain several States to increase the slave power in 
the Union. She was conquered in an unrighteous 
war, waged for an unrighteous purpose, yet when 
the representatives of her, people in convention 
applied for admission as a territory, they implored 
that slavery might be forever excluded from their 
domain. 

The Mexican war left bitter memories of Mexican 
perfidy and cruelty in the hearts of the people of the 
United States. The New Mexicans, through their 



CLAI3IS TO STATEHOOD. 451 

own speedy and bloody conspiracy against the United 
States Government, shared fully the rancor of the 
Americans against their nation. 

The great illiteracy of the New Mexicans, who 
for tw^o centuries never had public schools or hardly 
schools of any kind, their foreign language, customs 
and ideas, and religion under foreign control, have 
also been insuperable obstacles to fair judgment con- 
cerning their qualifications for Statehood. In 1880 
New Mexico was the most illiterate of all the States 
and territories of the Union. 

In 1878 the successful effort of the Jesuits, con- 
trary to the laws of the United States, to control 
legislation for their establishment in New Mexico, 
was rebuked by Congress, which quickly annulled 
the laws that were thus made. That blow pros- 
trated New Mexico. It strengthened the long stand- 
ing prejudice against her receiving Statehood. She 
was thenceforth associated with Utah, as if governed 
by an ecclesiastical corporation hostile to free insti- 
tutions, public school education and the Supreme 
Authority of the Constitution. 

This opinion was apparently well founded, and in 
an address to the people the Democratic Executive, 
Governor Ross, in 1889 declared that her measure 
had been well taken by the Congress which rejected 
New Mexico; for while Congress was discussing 
her claims to admission there was being waged in 
the legislature of New Mexico, in session in Santa 
Fe during January and February, 1889, a bitter 
opposition to a bill establishing on effective footing 
a public school system; violent speeches were made 



452 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

against public school education by those native New 
Mexican legislators, whose constituents so deplorably 
needed the beneficent influence of such a law. The 
public school bill was defeated through the Roman 
Catholic vote, which was largely in the majority 
in the legislature. The door was thus effectually 
closed again by her own action. 

The more progressive and enlightened elements 
of the population, however, found expression in a 
Constitutional convention which was authorized 
by the same legislature to meet in the following 
September. 

The delegates to it were to be elected in August 
by a special election. The Democratic leaders 
refused to join in this movement, and no dele- 
gates were nominated by the party organization. 
The Republicans, however, elected their nominees 
and the convention met at Santa Fe on September 
3d. After a session of nineteen days this assembl}- 
completed a Constitution embracing the most liberal 
and progressive ideas and provisions for education, 
courts of justice, civil rights and the exclusion of 
ecclesiastical power in the affairs of State. This 
Constitution was presented to the Fifty-first Con- 
gress with a new petition for Statehood, but again 
by partisan rulings the bill for the admission of 
New Mexico was defeated, though the privilege 
of Statehood was granted to Idaho and Wyoming. 
Compared with these territories New Mexico far 
excelled them, in the claims she presented to Con- 
gress, in her history, resources, population and loyal 
services to the Government, from which she sought 



CLAIMS TO STAT]£HOOD. 453 

honorable recognition and place in the Union. The 
Constitutional convention reassembled at Santa Fe 
Aug. 27th, and having revised some of the Articles 
of the Constitution adopted the previous year, fixed 
upon October 7th, as the day for this ratification by 
the people, by whom it was rejected. 

As we look back over the strange history of New 
Mexico through three centuries and a half, since 
Europeans first trod her plains, there will be im- 
pressed upon the thoughtful mind the conviction 
that her people have lacked certain qualities which 
have quickly built up States east and north of her 
boundaries. In the estimation of the country at 
large, the position, character and history of this 
territory have demanded qualifications which have 
not been required of other territories for admission 
to Statehood. 

New Mexico must meet these conditions, before 
such privileges will be readily granted to her, 
unless considerations of political party interests shall 
overlook them : 

1. She needs 100,000 intelligent immigrants, 
untrammelled by ecclesiastical control. To these 
she offers the fruits of her fertile valleys and 
plains, the wealth of her mines and the blessings of 
her sunny, cheerful and healthful climate for their 
homes. 

2. Her people must firmly establish measures of 
public education that shall train her youth to loy- 
alty, independence of thought and vote, and to self- 
i^especting industry and enterprise as citizens. 

With these two conditions fulfilled New Mexico 



454 CLAIMS TO STATEHOOD. 

will be welcomed to the American Union, to share 
the future greatness and glor}' of the nation, to 
whose possessions she will add her fair country, from 
whose lofty plateaus rise shining peaks like ^ems in 
the crown of the vast domain which lies between 
the two oceans. 



THE STORY OF NEW MEXICO 

IN CHRONOLOGICAL EPITOME. 

PEuron I TO A. D. 1536. 

That prehistoric peoples dwelt in New Mexico is abundantly demonstrated 
liy the relics of their habitations still in a state of remarkable preservation. 
Their implements of war, their pottery and even their bones hidden in lofty 
caves, undisturbed by beasts of prey, uncorroded by the wonderfully dry 
atmosphere yet, remain. 

600 TO 1000. 

New Mexico was the pathway of races migrating to the South. Their way- 
marks are left upon the rocks and are intelligently read by the arcliseologist. 

Ethnology discovers their relation to existing tribes. The origin of these 
was in the northwest. 

.Sedentary peoples in successive or overlapping occupations of the country, 
built permanent habitations, first of the single detached house type, afterwards 
of the great communal structure plans, still seen in the houses of their 
descendants, the Pueblo tribes. 

The roving peoples, ancestors of the various Southwest Indian tribes were 
later than the sedentary populations. They came from the same directions 
and were predatory and hostile to the peoples who sustained themselves 
chiefly by simple agriculture though warring among themselves and with 
their A.thabaskan foes. 

PERIOD II. 1536-1591. 

SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. ' 

1530-36. Explorations by Cabeca de Vaco and Nuno Guzman south of 
New Mexico. 

1538. Arizona discovered by the friars, Pedro Madal and Juan de la 
Ascunsion. Francisco Vasquez Coronado became Governor of Culiacan. 

1539. Nica's expedition set out from St. Michaels in Culiacan to reach 
Cibola — March 7. Cibola discovered by Nica's guide — May. Estevanico 
slain — (about) June i. A few days after, Cibola was first seen by a 

455 



456 SPAA'/Sir D/SCOVEAVES AND COA'QL/ESTS. 

Sjjiiniard, Nica, and claimed by right of discovery for the Spanish crown 
as the " New Kingdom (jf .St. Francis." Tlit; official rejiort of Marcos de 
Nica's expedition given to Viceroy Mcndoza — September 2. 

1540. Coronado's expedition set forth from Compestella — January i. 
Arrived at Culiacan Easter eve. llavicu, one of the " seven cities of Cibola," 
taken by assault by Coronado's troops. The Colorado River discovered at 
its mouth by the marine division of Coronado's expedition and explored for 
two hundred and fifty miles. The Moqui Province (Tusayan) taken by a 
detachment of soldiers from Cibola under Don Pedro de Tobar. The Colo- 
rado River also discovered from Tusayan by Garciza Lopez de Cardenas. 

1541. The provinces of Acoma, Tiguex, Cicuye and 'I'anos captured or 
occupied by the Spaniards. The search for Quivera under Coronado began 

— May. Quivera discovered by Coronado and made part of the Spanish 
dominion — June 10. Return of Coronado to Tiguex — November. 

1542. Coronado set out on return march to Mexico. Deaths of the 
P^-anciscan missionary, Luis, at Cicuye, and Padilla at Quivera. 

1548. Coronado deposed from office. 

1581. Mission of Ruis, Lopez and Jnan de Santa Maria, to New Mexico 

— June 6. Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado commanding their military 
guard. 

1582. Return of Chamuscado — January. He dies before reaching Santa 
Barbara. Murder of Ruis, Lopez and Juan de Santa Maria. The country 
receives its name. New Mexico, from these friars. Expedition of Don 
Antonio de Espejo sets out from Santa 15arbara — November 10. 

1583. Espejo visits and estimates the populations of the Piros, Tanos, 
Queres, Jemez, Mubates, Acoma, Zuiii and Moqui-provinces. 

1583. The Navajoes first encountered in New Mexico. 

1590. Expedition of Gaspar de Castano de Sosa — July 27. 

1593. Efforts of Ponilla and Flumana to reach Quivera. 

1597- Departure of Juan de Oiiate for New Mexico to colonize the 
country. 

PERIOD IIL 159S-16S0. 

SPANISH COLONIZATION. 



159S. Oiiate enters New Mexico, and for the sixth time takes formal 
possession for the Kingdom of Spain — April 30. San Gabriel, the first 
Spanish town, founded between the Chama and Rio Grande rivers. First 
church and first convent built here in New Mexico. This town now extinct. 
First Conference of Pueblo tribes giving allegiance to the Spanish crown 
July 7. Seven religious missions of New Mexico definitely located, including 
the mission to the Apaches. 

1601-06. Expeditions by Oiiate to Quivera, to the Canadian and to the 
mouth of the Colorado. 



SPANISH RULE. ^[^^ 

1605. Capital of the colony transferred to Santa Fe. 

1608-40. Fedro dc Feralta replaces (Jnate as governor. Increasing 
oppression of the natives by the Spanish military power. Concurrent 
missionary efforts and huccess by the Franciscan priests. 

1630. All the Pueblos nominally Christian except Zuni. 

1642. Covernor Rosas assassinated. 

1650. Arguellci, governor and captain-general. Forty Indians hanged for 
conspiracy. Another conspiracy crushed by Governor Concha. 

1660-75. Frequent hostilities attempted. 

1661-64. Administration of Governor de Peiialosa, and dissensions 
between military and missionaries. 

1674. Francisco de Ayeta comes to New Mexico to be Director of 
Missions. 

PERIOD IV. 16S0-1692. 

REBKT.MON AND N.\TIVE INDEPF.NnENCE. 

1680. Tlie conspiracy of Pope. Outbreak of the great Pueblo rebellion 
.August ID. Attack, siege, defense and evacuation of Santa Fe by the 
•Spaniards, under Governor Otermifi. Sacking of the missions ; murders of 
the priests; expulsion of the Spaniards from New Mexico — August 14-20. 

i68i. Attempted recapture of New Me.xico by Otermin. Return of the 
expedition. 

1687. Cruzate vainly attempts to subdue tlie Pueblos. 

PERIOD V. 1692-1S21. 

SPANISH RULE. 

1691. Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan succeeds Cruzate as governor- 
treneral and makes an armed reconnoissance upon Santa Fe which surrenders. 
Taos, Piccuries and San Ildefonzo subdued without slaughter. Pecos and 
the Rio Grande Pueblos yield. Seventeen provinces and the Apaclies offer 
allegiance before Octoljer 30. Dc Vargas returns to FJ P.tso, after the 
further subjection of the Zufii and Moqui villages — December 20. 

1693. Departure of a great colonization expedition for Santa Fe and 
re-occupation of the country. Attack upon and capture of Santa Fe by the 
Spaniards — October 11. 

1694. Assault upon the Mesacita de San Ildefonzo by the Spaniards and 
their repulse. Its final surrender — March 18. Subsequent frequent con- 
flicts with various Pueblo tribes. 

1696. Famine in New Mexico. Distress of the colonist.s. The last 
rebellion and massacre by the Pueblo Indians. 



458 THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

1700-1800. Slow progress of the colony. 

1780. The four centers of trade with Chihuahua and Mexico were Santa 
Fe, Albuquerque, La Canada and El Paso. 

1798. There were eighteen Franciscan priests and twenty-four missions 
in New Me.\ico. 

1805. There were twenty-six Franciscan priests and thirty missions in the 
Province. First An'.erican, James Pursley, arrives in New Mexico. 

1806. Lieutenant Zebulon Montgomery Pike with remnants of his explor- 
ing expedition captured and taken to .Santa Fe — March 3, 1807. 

PERIOD VL 1S21-1S46. 

NEW MEXICO UNDER THE MEXICAN CONFEDERATION. 

1821. Iturliidc declared emperor of Mexico — February. Abdicated 
— March. All Spaniards excluded from Mexico by the decree of the 
Government. 

1823. The Mexican Republic created — November 19. 

1824. Iturbide returns from exile and is executed — July 19. Bartolome 
Baca appointed first governor of New Mexico under the Republic. 

1837. New Mexico created a Department. Governor Albino Perez 
assassinated by Pueblo Indians — August 9. 

1838. Josle Gonzales rebel governor executed by Manuel Arniigo, who 
was recognized as governor at Mexico and continued in office from 183S 
to 1846. 

1840. Population of New Mexico fortv-five thousand. 

1841. Texan Santa Fe Expedition arrested on their way to Santa Fe 
from Anton Chico — September 15. 

PERIOD VII. 1S46-1862. 

THE AMERICAN OCCUTATION. 

1846. Departure of the Army of the West from Fort Leavenworth, 
Kansas, for New Mexico — June 26. Doniphan's expedition. Arrival 
at Fort Bent — July 30. A flag of truce from General Kearney reaches 
Santa Fe inviting New Mexico to accept annexation with the LTnited States, 
which was declined — August 12. Santa Fe occupied and New Mexico 
formally declared a part of the United States — August 22. General 
Kearney's Expedition down the valley of the Rio Grande — September 2. 
Fort Marcey constructed at Santa Fe. Charles Bent of Taos apjiointed 
governor. Colonel Sterling Price arrives with one thou.sand and two hun- 
dred men and artillery at .Santa F.j — September 28. General Kearney 
marches overland to California. Col. Doniphan sets out to subjugate the 
Navajoes — October 26. Returns and marches into Mexico — Deceml^er. 



AMERICAN RULE. ^-^^ 

1847. Insurrection of the inhabitants of New Mexico against the United 
States — January 22. Governor l>ent and six officials of the territory assassi- 
nated on their way to Taos. Col. Price attacks and defeats the insurgents 
at Caiiada — January. And at Taos and Embudo — February. The insur- 
gents also defeated at Mora. 

PERIOD VIII. 1S62-1865. 

NKW MEXICO IN THE CIVIL WAR OF THE UNITED STATES. 

1862. Invasion by the troops of the Southern Confederacy in the months 
of February, March and April. Arrival of Texan troops near Fort Craig 

— February 7. Armed reconnoissance under General Sibley (Confederate) 
upon Fort Craig — February 16. Crossing of the Rio Grande by the 
Confederates — February 20. Battle of Valverde — February 21. Evacua- 
tion of Albuquerque by Federal troops — March i. Evacuation of Santa 
Fe by Federal troops — March 4. Occupation of the capital by Confederates. 
Engagement between Texan and Colorado troops at Apache Canon — March 
26. Battle of Glorietta Cafion between Texan troops and Federal forces 
and retreat of the latter — March 27. Junction of Colorado and New 
Mexico volunteers and U. S. Regulars at Pecos church — March 28. Capt- 
ure of Confederate wagon train by Colorado troops near Johnson's Ranch 

— March 28. Confederate evacuation of Santa Fe — April 12. Retreat of" 
the Texans down the Rio Grande Valley, and artillery battle at Peralta — 
April 13. Subsequent escape of Confederates into Texas. 

PERIOD IX. 1865-1S7S. 

AMERICAN RULE. — NAVAJO AND APACHE WARS. 

1849-1865. Thirty million dollars expended by United States Govern- 
ment in the subjugation of Indians in New Mexico and Arizona. 

1849. Expedition into Navajo country under Colonel Washington. 

1851. Expedition against the Navajoes under command of General 
Sumner. 

1851-1859. Indians comparatively quiet. 

1859. Navajoes again at war with the United .States troops. 

i860. Navajoes attack Fort Defiance. Summer campaign of General 
Canby. 

1861. Hostilies cease — March. 

1862. General James H. Carleton succeeds General Canby — September 
18. Kit Carson sent against the Mescalleroes and Navajoes near Fort 
Stanton. The Apaches subdued and removed to Bosque Redondo. Fort 
Wingate established — December. 

1863. Expedition against the Gila Apaches. Magnus Colorado captured 

— January. Navajoes ordered to remove to Bosque Redondo reservation 



460 AMERICAN DRVELOPMENf. 

till July 20. War of extermination begins on all Navajoes who do not 
surrender and remove to reservation at Bosque Redondo. 

1864. Three thousand Navajoes reported captured or removed — Feb- 
ruary 29. War of extermination continued in the Navajo country. Two 
thousand and four hundred Navajoes removed — April. Seven thousand 
Navajoes at Bosque Redondo. 

1865. Colonel Kit Carson sent on an expedition into Navajo country to 
Caiion de Chelly. Conference with Chief Manuelito — February. 

1867. Indian Peace Commission appointed by President Grant consisting 
of Gen. W. T. Sherman and others. 

1868. Report of Indian Peace Commission. Signing of treaty with the 
Navajoes by the Peace Commissioners — June i. Return of the Navajoes 
to their country. Removal of the Chiricahua Apaches to'Ojo Caliente reser- 
vation under Chief Victoria. 

1879. Chief Victoria takes the war path against the United States 
government. 

1879-83. Apache Wars under Chiefs Victoria and Geronimo. 

1883. Death of Victoria and his followers. General George Crook 
resumes command and makes a campaign against the Apaches. Chiricahua 
Apache raid under Chato, near Silver City. Judge McComas and wife 
killed. Capture of Charlie McComas — March. Expedition of General 
Crook into Sonora in pursuit of Apaches — April. Captain Crawford and 
Lieutenants Gatewood and Mackey overtake Apaches — May 15. Capture 
of Chihuahua and other chiefs with their followers — May 15-24. 

1885. Apache raid under Geronimo and other chiefs — Mav 17. 

1886. General Nelson G. Miles assigne'd to command of the Department 
of Arizona — April 2. Apache raid into Santa Cruz Valley — April 27. 
Engagement with United States Cavalry — May 15. Pursued into Sonora 
and Chihuahua by Captain Lawton's command — July and August. Apaches 
overtaken by Lieutenant Gatewood — August 24. Surrender of Geronimo to 
General Miles at Skeleton Canon — September 3. 

PERIOD X. 1879-1890. 

AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT. — MATERIAL. 

1878. Entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad. 

1880. Completion of this railroad to Santa Fe — February 15. 
1886. Legislation favorable to irrigation companies. 

1889. Beginning of the Pecos Valley Irrigation and Investment Com- 
pany's great system. 

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. — ROMAN CATHOLIC. 

1851. -Arrival of Bishop Lamy at Santa F'e. 

1852. Arrival of colony of the Sisters of Loretto. 



POLITICAL. 



461 



1854. Arrival of French Priests — November 15. 

1859. The order of San Miguel enter New Mexico and begin the school 
afterwards (18S3) incorporated as St. Michael's College in Santa Fe. 
1867. Introduction of the order of Jesuits. 

1878. Act of incorporation of Jesuit Society by the New Mexico legisla- 
ture vetoed by Gov. S. B. Axtell. 

PROTESTANT. 

1849. First Baptist Missionary in New Mexico at Santa Fe. 

1850. First Methodist Missionary. 

1863. First Episcopal service in New Mexico, at Santa Fe. 

1866. Presbyterians purchase Baptist Mission property at Santa Fe. 

1874. Establishment of the Episcopal Missionary Diocese. 

1879. Congregationalists established academies at Santa Fe, Las Vegas 
and Albuquerque. 

1881. University of New Mexico incorporated under Congregational 
direction — May 11. Opened — September 11. 

1885. Kamona Indian School of University of New Mexico opened — 
April I. United States Government Indian School at Santa Fe receives 
first appropriation from Congress of twenty-five thousand dollars, and one 
hundred acres of land from citizens of Santa Fe. 

1887. Whitin Hall, University of New Mexico, building began — October 
21, 1882. Completed — October, 1887. 

1889. Extensive buildings erected at Santa Fe for government Indian 
school. 

POLITICAL. 

1850. First application of New Mexico to Congress for Statehood. 

1882. Improved Public School law passed by New Mexico legislature 
authorizing the organization of school districts and support of schools. 

1888. Establishment by Legislature of a State University at Albuquerque, 
a school of mines at Socorro, and an agricultural school at Las Cruces. 

1889. Constitutional Convention at Santa Fe — September 3. Adopted 
Constitution. 

1890. Reassembled — August 27. Revised Constitution, which was 
defeated by vote of the people on ratification — October 7. 



A SELECTION OF BOOKS 

TOUCHING UPON THE STORY OF NEW MEXICO. 

The literature concerning Mexico contains mucli that relates 
to tliis distant province of " New Spain," so long as it was 
under Spanisli dominion. New Mexico was to the Spaniards a 
land of romance, of missions and of supposed mineral wealth. 
These three motives were of about equal force in inducing 
adventure and colonization and the province was always of great 
expense to the Spanish Government, which aided so generously 
the enterprise of the Spanish people in America. 

The official reports of a long line of Governors and Captain- 
Generals in New Mexico numbering over fifty successions, have 
been searched by careful historians, and also the reports to 
the head of the Franciscan Missions. The latter are specially 
valuable sources of history, and have been diligently compared 
and many of them transcribed by Mr. A. de F. Bandelier of 
Santa Fe, the eminent archsologist of the Southwest. 

The results of these investigations are contained in his series 
of papers and reports to the archaeological Institute of America, 
and especially his Hemenway Arch^ological Expedition papers 
on the Southwest, which are most important on the carlv 
periods, and the latest contributions on these subjects. 

These publicaiions are contained in the following volumes : 

Peabody Museum Reports, No. 2: lo, ii, 1S7S ; Report on the Ruins 
of Pecos; Archaeological Institute of America, paper; American Series, 
Poston, i88r, Svo ; The Discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos de 
Nissa, in Magazine of Western History, Sept., 1S86; Historical Introduc- 
tion to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Me.xico. Archaeologi- 
cal Institute of America. American Series, Vol. i ; Final Report of 
Investigations among the Indians of the Southwest United States. 1880- 

463 



464 BOOKS RELATING TO NEW MEXICO. 

1SS5. Archaeological Institute of America. American Series, 3, 8vo ; Hemen- 
way Southwestern Archaeological Expedition. Contributions to the History 
of the Southwestern portion of the United States. Archaeological Institute 
Papers American Series, 5, 8vo, Cambridge, 1890. 

Some sketches from the unpublished MSS. of Mr. Bandelier's History 
of Colonization and Civilization in New Mexico, appeared in 1S90 and 1891 
in the Santa Fe Daily New Mexican, the oldest and leading newspaper in , 
New Mexico, whose files contain information as to its past and current 
history, which is nowhere else attainable. 

Books and pamphlets connected more or less directly with the history of 
New Mexico in various European languages, beginning with the Report of 
Cabeca de Vaca to the King of Spain on his remarkable explorations in 
the Southwest. Some of the most important are : 

Hakluyt's Voyages, third volume, London, 1600, also edited 1810. 

Relation du Voyage de Cibola, entpris in 1540 by Pedro de Castanheda 
de Nagera. 8vo, Paris, 1838. 

Clavigero's History of Mexico, collected from Spanish and Mexican His- 
torians, from manuscripts and ancient paintings of the Indians. Translated 
from the original Italian. 2 vols, quarto, by Charles Cullen, London, 1807 . 
Humboldt, Alexander Von. New Spain, 2 vols., 8vo. 

Henri, Ternaux Compans. Voyages, relations et moires originaux pour 
servir a I'histoire de la decourverte de I'America, Paris, 20 parts, bet. 
1837-1841. 

The contributions to the Ethnology of the Southwest by Mr. F. H. 
Cushing in Harper's Monthly and other magazines, and his invaluable papers 
and those of Messrs. A. S. Gatschet, \V. H. Jackson, W. H. Holmes and 
Messrs. Mathews, Ernest Ingersoll, T. H. Lewis, F. H. Cushing, Col. 
J. E. Stevenson and L. H. Morgan, and other members of the United 
States Geological Survey, comprised in the annual Reports of the United 
States Bureau of Ethnology, J. W. Powell, Director for 1880-1881, 18S2- 
1883, 1883-1884, are of immeasurable value in illustrating the archaeology 
and aboriginal life, language, customs and religions of the whole south- 
western part of our country. 

Of the saipe character with a critical value acquired by long investigation 
are the works of Daniel Brinton, especially his Myths of the New World, 
N. v., 186S, 1876 ; Zuni and the Zufiians by Col. J. E. Stevenson, Wash- 
ington, 1881, Ancient Society, or researches in the lines of human progress, 
from savagery through barbarism to civilization, N. Y., 18S7, by Lewis H. 
Morgan, and his study of the house and house life of the Indian tribes in 
the Archaeological Institute of American publications; Baldwin's Ancient 
America is a more comprehensive but thoughtful treatment of the same 
. subject ; Prehistoric Man, by Daniel Wilson ; Prescott's Conquest of 
Mexico. 

In addition to these, many volumes of the other Government official reports 
have been used in preparation of this history by the author, including those 
of the Smithsonian Institution from 1S54 to 1S76, and later The War 



BOOKS RELATING TO NEW MEXICO. 465 

Department ; The Reports of the Secretary of the Interior ; The Rebellion 
Record of the United States and Southern Confederacy, 1S61, 1862, 1S63; 
Wheeler's U. S. Exploring Expedition ; U. S. Pacific Railroad Survey, Vol. 
III. ; The Reports of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs; The Reports of 
the Board of Indian Commissioners ; The Indian Peace Commission ; The 
Congressional Record. 

A few histories have been written bearing upon limited periods of New 
Mexico annals and peoples. Among these are History of the Spanish Con- 
quest of New Mexico by W. H. H. Davis, a well written history which is 
founded on Castenada's Narration, and Spanish histories of the Missions, 
but lacks the authority of recent investigations of records, traditions and 
views. 

Historical sketches of New Mexico to the American occupation by Hon. 
L. Bradford Prince, a series of interesting papers, chiefly on the early 
periods. 

Mexico, by Frances Ober, a compendious volume, entertainingly written 
from personal inspection of the land and people; Atzlan, by W. G. Ritch, 
a chronological record of events and statements of the resources of New 
Mexico; The War with Mexico, 18S3, by H. O. Ladd ; History of the 
Pacific States of North America by H. II. Bancroft, Vol. 12 : Arizona and 
New Mexico, 1530 to iSSS, San Francisco, iSSS; Narrative and Critical 
History of America, edited by Justin Winsor, Riverside Press, Cambridge, 
containing the results of the latest and most scholarly researches, and the 
valuable sketch of the Coronado and other early expeditions by Henry W. 
Haynes. 

The most interesting narratives of travel and explorations are found in 
the following miscellaneous list : — 

Cibola; Three years in Arizona and New .Mexico; Cozzins ; Fremont's 
First and Second Expeditions, 1842--3--4 ; Mexico in 1827. Ward, 2 vols. ; 
Bartlett's Personal Narrative; Commerce of the Prairies. Gregg, 2 vols. ; 
Kendall's Santa Fe Expedition, 2 vols. ; El Gringo, by W. H. H. Davis; 
Reid's Scouting Expedition; Arizona- and Sonora ; Mowry ^Doniphan's 
Campaign in New Mexico, 2 vols. Reid ; Adventures in the Path of 
Empire, 2 vols. ; Two Thousand Miles on Horseback ; Meline ; Texas and 
the Gulf of Mexico ;' Central Route to the Pacific ; Report of Col. Graham 
on Mexican Boundary; Anderson's Silver Country; From River to Sea; 
Resources of the Pacific Slope, J. Ross Brown ; Journal of a Military 
Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, to San Diego, 1S46, 1847, 
Lieut. Emery and Lieut. James H. Simpson, Philadelphia, 1852 ; Report of 
J. W. Abert of his Examination of New Mexico. 

Pamphlets: Memoir of Tour with Doniphan's Expedition, Reid; The 
Pueblo Indians ; Amy's New Mexico ; Report of Survey across the 
Continent, K. P. R. R. ; Route from Fort Smith to Santa Fe. 



INDEX 



Aboriginal History, includes five families, ii ; 
Mongolian origin of, 4 ; similarity in creeds 
of, 3 ; similarity in architecture of, S ; three 
periods of, 4. 

Abreu, Sanitago, ex governor, murder of, 
247. 

Abreu, Prefect, murder of, 247. 

Acoma, captured by Captain Alvarado, 53. 

Adventure, greed of, among Spaniards, 19. 

Agriculture by irrigation, 233 ; chief occupa- 
tion of New Mexicans, 233. 

Alarid, Francisco, Secretary of State, murder 
of, by insurgents, 247. 

Albuquerque, United States military stores 
n.'moved from, 314. 

Alvarado, Fernando de, Captain, captures 
Acoma, 53 ; saves the life of Coronado, 44. 

American development began by railroad 
building, 405 

Americans, exorbitant taxation of, 250 ; first 
comer of, James Pursley, 234 ; Pike's expe- 
dition of, 235 ; Texan Santa Fe expedition 
of, 241 ; slain in the insurrection of 1S47, 
2S7, 292. 

Antiquity, the, of New Mexico belongs to 
period of the Mound Builders, 4 ; two 
theories of, 2, 3. 

Annexation of New Mexico pioclaimed by 
General Kearney, 276-277. 

Apache Caiion, engagement of, 316-31S. 

Apaches, Chiricahua — vid. Chiricahiia 
Apaches, cost of wars with, 361 ; de- 
feated in Gila Country by California 
volunteers, 340; extent of range, loca- 
tion, occupation, religion, tribes of, 333- 
334; hostility to Mexicans of, 334; hostil- 
iiy to United States of, 334; removed to 
Bosque Redondo, 339 ; report of Peace 
Commission concerning wars of, 361 ; wars 
of. 333-40I- 

467 



Architecture, compact communal, extends to 
San Marcial, 12 ; detached house type of, 
12; of governor's palace, 231 ; primitive of 
New Mexico, 231. 

Arguello, Gov. crushes a conspiracy, iiS. 

Armijo, Manuel, governor from 1838-46, 
242 ; personal traits, career and abuse of 
power by, 244-251; preparations for de- 
fense by, 276 ; treatment of Americans by, 
242-244. 

Army of Coronado arrives at C^ibola, 47 ; 
disappointment of, 44, 47 ; hardships of, 
41, 43- 

Artillery buried by Confederates at Albuquer- 
que discovered in iS8g, 329. 

Arizona, first discovered by missionaries, 22. 

Athabaskans, extent of incursions of, 8 ; or- 
igin of, 7. 

Axlell, Gov. S. B., veto of act incorporating 
Jesuit society, 417. 

Ayeta, Fray Francisco de, Director of Mis- 
sions, accompanies expedition to reconquer 
New Mexico, 142 ; obtains reinforcements 
of military, 126; reconciles secular author- 
ities and the clergy, 125 ; warns the viceroy 
of the danger of the colony. 126. 

Baptism encouraged by priests, 227. 

Bent, Governor, assassinated, 287. 

Bernalillo the ancient Tiguex, 54. 

Bonilla, Leyva, with Humana, unsuccessful 

adventure of, to Quivera, loi, 102. 
Boundaries of New Mexico defined by treaty 

of the United States with Spain in 1819, 

255 ; extent of, 256. 
Bourke, Capt. John G., description of 

Apache scouts by, 373-375- 
Buffalo discovered by Alvarado, 57 ; and by 

Coronado and Espejo in the Pecos Valley, 

&2, 93- 



46S 



INDEX. 



Burial, customs of, 22S ; costly fees for, 22S. 

Bosque Redondo reservation, appropriations 
for, 351, 352; cultivation of, 348, 349; de- 
scribed, 343; design of, 344; opposed by 
Dr. Steck, Superintendent of Indian af- 
fairs, 349, 352 ; pleaded for by Gen. Carle- 
ton, 350 ; wants of, disregarded, 349. 

Canada, engagement at, 2S7. 

Canby, Gen. E R. S. , in command of U. S. 
forces at Fort Craig, and in New Mexico, 
300; official reports quoted, 303, 312; or- 
ders a reconnoissance of the Texan position, 
303- 

Canon de Chelly as explored by Lieut. Simp- 
son, 354; entered by Col. Kit Carson's 
expedition, 354; captures made in, 355. 

Capital, attack upon, 133 ; evacuation of, 135 ; 
insufficient protection of, 12S; population 
m 16S0, 12S. 

Cardenas, Garcia Lopez de, discovers the 
Colorado river, 51 ; punished for cruelty to 
the inliabitants of Tiguex, 60 ; saves the 
life of Coronado, 44. 

Carleton, Brig. -Gen. James H., appeal for 
Bosque Redondo reservation, 350; cam- 
paigns against Navajoes and Apaches, 339 ; 
establishes Bosque Redondo Reservation, 
339; orders to have Manuelito captured and 
shot, 360. 

Carson, Colonel (Kit), gallantry of troops 
imder, 308 ; official report of, 306 ; sent 
against Apaches, 336, 339. 

Cathedral at Santa Fe, monument of the 
labors of Archbishop Lamy, 414. 

Cave Dwellings described, 191, T93, 194, ig6, 
197. 

Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez, commander 
of Ruis' expedition, 78 ; explores Zuni and 
Moqui provinces, 79; returns with soldiers 
leaving missionaries, 80 ; death of, on jour- 
ney, 80. 

Chavez, Lieut.-Col. J. F. ; criticism of ac- 
count of Battle of Valverde by author 
refuted by official reports, 303, 305, 312. 

Chiricahua Apaches, agreements of United 
States and Mexican governments to subdue, 
372 ; campaigns of General George Crook 
against, 370-390; compaigns of General 
Nelson G. Miles against, 390 ; camp of, sur- 
prised, 396 ; Captain Lawton's command in 
pursuit of, 396, 397 ; capture and slaughter 
of Judge McComas and wife, 371 ; Charlie 
McComas made a captive by, 371 : expedi- 
tion of American troops under Captain 



Emmet Crawford, against, 373 ; difficulties 
of campaign against, 392 ; escape of, to 
.Sierra Madre mountains, 371 ; fierce pur- 
suit of, to Mexican boundary, 370: finally 
subdued, 399 ; names of chiefs captured, 
3S2 ; outbreak of, 370; punishment of, de- 
manded, 399 ; raid of, into Arizona, 392 ; 
raid of, described by captive boy, 387 ; raid 
of, near Silver City, 371 ; raid under Ge- 
ronimo, 387; removed from Bosque Re- 
dondo to Ojo Caliente reservation, 363 ; 
removed to Florida, 398 ; return to Fcrt 
Bowie as captives, 398; return to Unilcd 
States territory, 382 ; tribe of, at San Car- 
los removed to Florida, 399; stronghclil 
of, in Sierra Madres penetrated, 381 ; sur- 
render of, to General Crook, 382 ; surren- 
der to General Miles, 398; use of Aj ache 
scouts against, 373. 

Chivington, Maj. J. M., marches to New 
Mexico with Colorado volunteers, 316. 

Church, first built in New Mexico, at San 
Gabriel, 103, 104. 

Church, first Protestant, at Santa Fe, 41S. 

Cibola described by Coronado, 47, 48; fears 
of the inhabitants of, 47, 49. 

Cicuy^, embassy from, to Coronado, 52 ; 
Bigotes, chief of, 52, 54; taken possession 
of by A varado, 54. 

Clergy, Spanish, excluded from New Mex- 
ico, 410. 

Ci'llege, St. Michael's, preparatory school 
begun in Santa Fe, 412. 

Colonists, perils of, 117, 118; privileges of, 
112; relation of, to missions and mission- 
aries, III, 112, 115 ; relation of, to natives, 
112, 115, 118. 

Colonization, difficulties of, no; first effort 
at, by Ofiate, 103. 

Colony, prosperity of under Vagas, 164, 166. 

Colorado River, discovered by Fernando 
Alarcon, 52. 

Colorado, people of, aroused to rescue New- 
Mexico from the Confederates, 316. 

Colorado Volunteers, encounter of witli 
Texans, commanded by Major Pyron at 
Apache Canon, 316. 

Conspiracy of New Mexicans against United 
States authorities, 283 ; Diego Archuleta 
and Thomas Ortiz, chief of, 284 ; other 
chiefs of, 2S7 ; revealed, 287 ; Gov. Bent 
and six officials assassinated in, 287. 

Conspiracy of Pueblos, betrayed by Tesuque 
Indians, 129; outbreaks of, in 1680, 
129. 



INDEX. 



469 



Conspirators, execution of, 293 ; death of 
others, 293. 

Constitutional Conventions, three, 449 ; 
latest, 452. 

Concha, Governor, represses conspiracy of 
Indians, 11S-120. 

Confederate Invasion, 297; objects of, 29S; 
starts from Texas, Feb., 1862,299; under 
command of Gen. H. H. Sibley, 299; 
troops concentrated at Santa Fe, 314; 
sympathizers with, 326. 

Convent first built at San Gabriel, 103, 104. 

Coronado Francis Vasquez, 21 ; accident to, 
69; as governor of Culican, 21 ; arrival of, 
at Culican, 42 ; artifice of, to encourage his 
soldiers, 42 ; assaults the town of Havicu, 
44; Casteiiada, historian of, 37; character- 
istics of, 37; chooses the officeis of his ex- 
pedition, 37 ; departure of, from Compes- 
tella, 38; discovers Havicu (Cibola), 44; 
deposed from office, 72 ; explorations and 
conquests by, 50-69 ; effect of Nica's re- 
port on, 36; obscure death of, 72 ; precedes 
his expedition, 43 ; return of expedition of, 
to iSIexico, 72 ; review of troops of, by the 
Viceroy, 38 ; superstitious fears of, 70-72 ; 
trials of the troops of, 41 ; trials and dis- 
couragements of, 42. 

Crawford, Captain Emmet, efficient service 
of, in General Crook's campaign, 3S0. 

Cruzate Domingo de, Governor, attempts to 
subdue the Pueblos in 1687, failure of, 143. 

Cubero, Pedro Rodrigues, Governor, suc- 
ceeds de Vargas in 1697, 166. 

Doniphan, Colonel Alexander H., expedition 
of, to annex New Mexico, 270-278; expe- 
dition of, to subjugate the Navajoes, 
marches into Chihuahua, 2S4; prepares 
the constitution and laws for the territory 
of New Mexico, 282. 

Duncan, Major Thos. , U. S. A., engages 
Pyron's Texan Cavalry at Valverde, 305 ; 
official report of, quoted, 305. 

Durango, Bishop of, welcomed with enthu- 
siasm at Santa Fe, 1833, 223. 

Edmundson, Major, engagements of, with 
insurgents in Canon of the Caiiadien and 
at Las Valdas, 293. 

Education, a condition of statehood, 453 ; 
of Pueblo Indian youth first attempted in 
modern institutions by the brothers of San 
Miguel, 413 ; public, 410-423 ; religious, 
410-423. 



Eguillon, Rev. Father, Vicar General, 412. 

El Paso, described in 180S, 169. 

Embudo, assaulted and captured by Col. 
Price, 287. 

Encomiendas, tributes paid by Indians to 
the colonists, 115. 

Encomenderos, colonists in New Mexico, 1 12. 

Estevanico, advance of, 27, 28; discoveis 
Cibola, 29 ; death of, 29, 30 ; the negro 
guide to Vaca and to Nica, 25; report of, 
to Nica, 27. 

Espejo, Antonio de, authority given to, 85 ; 
departs for New Mexico, 85 ; describes 
the Piros, 86 ; discovers murderers of the 
missionaries, 86; estimates of populations 
by, 97 ; explorations of, 87-94 ; misled as 
to numbers, 97 ; scheme of, for coloniza- 
tion, 97 ; death of, 97. 

Esquansaques, Indians of the plains, 109. 

Expedition, Doniphan's, 270-272 ; French 
Canadian, 233; Lieut. Pike's, 235-240; 
Texan, Santa Fe, 241-244. 

Feast days devoutly observed, 223. 

Fort Bent reached by army of the West, 
271, 272 ; Craig, Federal troops in defense 
of, 299; reconnoissance upon by Texas, 
299; situation and description of, 300; 
Defiance, attaiked by Navajoes, 333 ; 
Marcey, Santa Fe, constructed, 282; occu- 
pied by Texan troops, 314; Thorne, ren- 
dezvous of Texan invaders, 229. 

Franciscan friars equip an expedition to re- 
cover New Mexico and their missions, 141 : 
missionaries protected the natives, 1 12 ; 
Nica, a monk of the order, 26 ; transcrip- 
tions from archives of used, preface works 
of missionaries, in; missions, vid Mis- 
sions, evangelization of Pueblos, 208. 

French, traders and settlers in New Mexico, 
234- 

Fruit culture, capacities for, 438 ; testimony 
of Arthur Boyle concerning, 439. 

Gallisteo Pass seized by Confederates, 314. 
Gatewood, Lieut., bold ride of, into Geron- 

imo's camp, 397. 
Gei'onimo surrenders to General Crook, 382- 

383 ; surrenders to General Miles, 398. 
Gonzales, Governor, execution of, by Armijo, 

241. 
Government Indian Schools, 420. 
Grapes, introduced into New Mexico by 

Franciscan friars, 1630, near Socorro, 

170. 



470 



INDEX. 



Grain products, experience of M. E. Dame 
in, 442, 443. 

Green, Col., takes command of Confederates 
at battle of Valverde, 307. 

Guzman, Nuno de, credulity of, 20 ; enmity to 
Cortez, 20; expedition of, in search of the 
Seven Cities, 21 ; president of New Spain, 
20; succeeded by Coronado, 21. 

Heliograph, telegraphy, 391. 

Hendley, Captain, killed in engagement at 
Mora, 2t]2. 

Herrera Grande, a Navajo chief, seeks to pur- 
suade Manuelito, 358; remarkable inter- 
view of, with Manuelito, 359. 

Humana, soldier, and afterwards leader of 
adventure to Quivera, loi, 102. 

Indebtedness of New Mexico in 1890, 446. 

Indian Peace Commission appointed by Pres- 
ident Grant, 360; report of, 361. 

Indian Warfare, cost of, in reports of Peace 
Commission, General Sherman and others, 
361. 

Institutions of education established, public, 
424; denominational, 418, 419, 420. 

Insurrection of New Mexicans and Indians 
in 1837, 247, 248. 

Isleta recaptured by Otermki, 142. 

Iturbide, emperor and regent of Mexico, 
ill-fated career and death of, 240. 

Irrigation in New Mexico by Pueblo Indians, 
2og ; corporations for, organized, 426 ; 
Eddy, Charles B., projector of, in Pecos 
Valley, 434; Hagerman, J. J., promoter 
of, in Pecos Valley, 434 ; legislation for, 
425; in Pecos Valley, 426; on Maxwell 
Land Grant, 426; in Rio Grande Valley, 
426 ; products by, 434 ; works of Pecos 
Valley Company, 426-434. 

Jesuits, act of legislature concerning, an- 
nulled, 418; influence of, 414; opposition of 
to public education, 414 ; school of, founded 
at Las Vegas in 1877, 413. 

Johnson's Ranch, engagement near, with 
Confederate and Colorado troops, 319. 

Kearney, General Stephen W,, U. S. A., 
enters Santa Fe, 277; marches down the 
Rio Grande, 282 ; proceeds westward tu 
occupy California, 283. 

La Cruz, Fra Juan de, missionary at Tiguex, 
71 ; death of, 74. 



Lamy, Rev. J. B., D. D., Archbishop of 
New Mexico, arrival of, at Santa Fe, 411 ; 
works of, 411-414; death and character of, 
414. 

Las Vegas, citizens of, take Oath of Alle- 
giance to the United States, 275. 

Lawton, Captain U.S. A., gallant conduct 
of command of, in an Apache campaign, 
396 ; length of march of, in pursuit of 
Apaches, 402. 

Lopez, Francisco, companion of Ruis, 77 ; 
death of, 83. 

Luis, Franciscan missionary, remains alone 
at Cicuye, 71 ; death of, 74. 

McComas, Charlie, fate of, 3S3. 

Magnus, Colorado, Apache chief captured 
and killed, 340. 

Manuelito, chief of the Navajoes, 356 ; re- 
jects offer of surrender, 359; his replv, 
359; still living, 360. 

Maria, Juan de Santa, companion of Ruiz, 
77 ; death of, 83. 

Marriage, imong the New Mexicans, reli- 
gious ceremony of, hindered by fees, 227. 

Mendezabel, Governor, takes census of the 
territory in 1660, 119. 

Mendoza, Don Antonio de, communicates 
with Coronado, 22 ; uses missionaries to rc- 
connoiter the land of the Seven Cities, 22 ; 
selects Fray Marcos of Nice, viceroy of 
New Spain, 21. 

Miles, Colonel, U. S. A., first campaign 
against Navajoes, 336. 

Miles, General Nelson G., \J. S. A., con- 
fidence in, 391 ; co-operation of Governors 
of Sonora and Chihuahua with, 402 ; de- 
fends expatriation of the Apaches, 401 ; 
extent of department of, 390 ; takes com- 
mand of department of Arizona, 390. 

Mineral resources of New Mexico, distribu- 
tion of, 445 ; locality of, 443 ; of coal 
measures, 443, 444; of common and jire- 
cious metals, 444, 445 ; out put of in 18S9, 

445- 

Mines, discovered by Espejo in Arizona, 92 ; 
in New Mexico, 94. 

Miracles, modern, believed in by New 
Mexicans, 223. 

Missions, Franciscan, in New Mexico, diffi- 
culties of, 107, inS; early success of, iii, 
1 16 ; first definitely located, 107 ; location 
of, 116; neglect and decadence of, 411; 
vid 7v'rt«c/.rir«7i.r, perils of , 108, no, 117. 

Missions, Protestant, dates of establishini.r.t 



INDEX. 



471 



of, 41S, 419; denominations of, 418,419; 
gain foothold after American occupation, 

- 417 
Moquis, first subdued, 5;. 

Navajoes, attack of, upon Fort Defiance, 
335 ; campaign ol General Canby against, 
36 ; campaigns of Brigadier General Carle- 
ton against, 336 ; campaigns of General 
Crook against, 369 ; campaigns of General 
Miles against, 389; captive, 352; chiefs of, 
confer with General Carleton, 356 : cost of 
supplies for the, 352 ; country of described, 
341 ; failure of treaties with, 343 ; losses in 
Canby's campaign against, 336 ; many 
captures of, 347 ; number of at Bosque 
Redondo, 351 ; products of by agriculture, 
etc., 362; provisions made by Congress 
for, 351 ; Pueblo Indians employed against, 
344; plea for by General Carleton, 350; 
raids of near Fort Stanton, 336 ; seek 
peace, 342 ; treaty with signed by peace 
Commissioners, 361 ; sufferings of, 347 ; 
Utes used in fighting, 344. 

New Mexico, receives its name from the 
Franciscan martyr missionaries, 84. 

Newspaper, The Corpuscnle, first one pub- 
lished in New Mexico, 228. 

Niga, Friar, beholds one of the Seven Cities, 
33 ; departure of from St. Michael in Culia- 
can, 25 ; fame of, 36 ; praised by Mendoza, 
26 ; reports to the Viceroy, 35, 36; story of 
the expedition of, 25 to 35 ; takes posses- 
sion of the country for Spain, 33, 34; the 
monk explorer, 22 ; unpopularity and re- 
turn of to Mexico, 47. 

Oiiate Juan de, ascends the Rio Grande 
April, 1598, 103 ; built the first church in 
New Mexico, 104; equips an expedition 
to colonize New Mexico, 103; establishes 
authority of Spain among the Pueblo 
tribes and Missions, 107 ; explorations of 
Quivera by, 109; founder of first Spanish 
town San Gabriel, 1598, 107; proposition 
of to the Viceroy, 103 ; prosperity of the 
colony of, 108; return to Spain, 112; skill- 
ful administration of, no; subdues Acoma 
stronghold, 109; takes possession for the 
sixth time of New Mexico for Kingdom of 
Spain, 104. 

Onorato, companion to Nica, 25. 

Otermin, Governor, attempts to reconquer 
New Mexico, 141 ; attacks the Pueblo war- 
riors, 134 ; efforts of to fortify the Capitol 



in 1680, 129, 130; evacuation of Santa Fe 
by, 135 ; executes the prisoners taken, 
135; opposed by Northern Pueblos, 134; 
plans of for defense, 133 ; recaptures Isleta, 
142; reconciles other southern villages, 
142. 

Padilla, Friar Juan de, death of at Quivera, 
71, 77; incites to violence against the 
Moquis, 51. 

Pecos, first described by Alvarado, 54; 
pueblo of, welcome of to Spaniards, 54 ; 
Indians, see Pueblo ; River, see Irrigation 
and River ; Valley, see Irrigation. 

Penalosa, Diego, Dionisio Brizino, Governor 
accused of treasonable acts, 120; death of, 
120; in conflict with mission authorities, 
120 ; tried by Inquisition, 120. 

Penitentes, rites of tolerated, 224. 

Peralta, engagement at, 329. 

Perez Albino, Governor, assassination of, 241, 
247. 

Pigeon's Ranch, Battle of, 320 to 325. 

Pike, Lieutenant Zebulon Montgomery, 
U. S. A., arrested by Mexican troops, 
235; arrival at Santa F^, 236; arrival at 
Nachitoches, 239; lost on the plains, 235; 
objects of expedition of, 235 ; observations 
of affairs in New Mexico in 1807, 239, 
240; received by Governor Alencaster, 
236 ; transferred under guard to Chihua- 
hua, 239. 

Pope, death of, 141; first appears, 119; in- 
fluence of after the rebellion, 138; method 
and success of in forming the rebellion, 
127; origin, necromancy and personal 
traits of, 126. 

Price, Colonel Sterling, arrival of at Santa 
Fe with reinforcements, 283 ; in command 
of United States forces in New Mexico, 
283. 

Population of New Mexico, character of, 
436; in A. D. 1617, 115; in a. d. 1803, 
168, 169; in A. D. 1840, 232; in A. D. 
1846, 262 ; in A. D. 1890, 435; of principal 
towns in a. d. i8go, 449. 

Pottery of the Pueblos, ancient, 185 ; uten- 
sils of, 191. 

Priests, Franciscan, cruelly treated and mur- 
dered by Pueblo Indians in 1680, 137. 

Pueblo, Peoples, attacked by Navajoes and 
Apaches, 141 ; besiege Santa Fe, 133, 
134; christianization of by Franciscans, 
208 ; citizenship of, in the United States, 
217; classified by original families, 198,200, 



472 



INDEX. 



201; classified by languages, 200; classi- 
fied by provinces, igg ; Conchas, rule of, 
118; conspiracy of, crushed by General 
Villanueva, 119; conspiracy of General, 
120, 121 ; cruelty of to priests and teachers, 
137; cultivation of land by, 210; customs 
of, 207; destroy the Capitol, 136, 137; 
domestic life of, 217; estufas of, and their 
uses, 214; executed for conspiracy, 118; 
government of by Spaniards and Ameri- 
cans, 202 to 206, 212; grounds of com- 
plaint of for rebellion, 247 ; insurrection of 
with New Mexicans, 1837, 138; marriage 
laws of, 209, 216; origin of in Northwest, 
11; population of present tribes, 210; 
Penalosa interferes with commerce of with 
missions, 120; reduced to 10,000 in 1703, 
166 ; religion of ancient and present tribes, 
207,213; religious dances of, 21S to 221; 
ruins of in extent and number, 15; savage 
excesses of, 136; sedentary in habits of 
life, 71 ; southern villages r^onciled by 
Otermin, 142 ; social development of not 
high, 15; tiaits of, 211; welcome the 
Amsricans in 1S46, 278. 

Pueblo dwellings, capacity of, 176; classi- 
fied, 174; location of ancient, 173; mate- 
rial and plan, 175 ; utensils of, 191 ; various 
ruins of described, 176-185. 

Pyron, Major C. S. A., engages Colorado 
troops at Apache Caiion, 316. 

Public Buildings, Capitol at Santa Fe, 449; 
school buildings in New Mexico, 424. 

Public Education, abuse of funds for, 420; 
enrollment of public schools in 18S9, 424 ; 

■ establishment of agricultural school, school 
of mines and State university, 424 ; im- 
provement of, 424 ; legislation of 1S82 for, 
423 ; subject of agitated, 423 ; value of 
buildings, 424 ; territorial illiteracy from 
want of, 420. 

Querechos, Indians met by Coronado and 
Onate, 199 ; Coronado's report of to the 
Emperor, 68 ; country and people described, 
62 to 67. 

Quivera, described by Jaramello, 69; dis- 
appoints the army, 68; expedition to de- 
parts from Cicuy^, 61 ; location of, 65 ; 
people of submit to emperor of Spain, 66 ; 
reached by Coronado, 62 ; return from by 
Coronado, 68 ; story of, 57, 58. 

Ragnet, Major, bravery and death of, 325. 
Railroads, total mileage of in New Mexico, 



in 1889, 1890, 469 ; history of Atchison, 
Topeka and Santa Fe, in New Mexico, 
405, 406, 407; other lines of in New 
Mexico, 408, 409. 

Rainfall, the usual, 438. 

Ramona, Indian girls' school, at Santa Fd, 
419. 

Republic, Mexican, created, 240 ; gover- 
nors of New Mexico under, 241. 

Religion, Roman Catholic, establislied by 
law in New Mexico in 1S37-40, 222. 

Religion, no other tolerated than Roman 
Catholic, 222. 

Resources of New Mexico, 436 ; acreage, 
divisions of agricultural land, 437, 438. 

Rio Grande, the, described, 261. 

Roberts, Colonel Benjamin S., occupies ford 
at Valverde with Federal force, 304; official 
report of quoted, 305. 

Romance of New Mexico, 2 ; of early Euro- 
pean history in America, ig; of the Span- 
ish nation, 20 ; of the Seven Cities, 20. 

Ruis, Augustine, Friar, death of, 83 ; enthu- 
siasm of, 77 ; expedition of departs, 78 ; 
route of, 78. 

San Gabriel, abandoned, iii; falls to ruin, 
iii; first Spanish town in New Mexico, 
104. 

San Miguel, order of, established in Santa 
Fe, 412. 

Santa Fe, capitol founded on remains of two 
ancient pueblos about 1605, 115; character 
of citizens of in 1846, 264 ; commerce of in 
1843, 267 ; conflicts around, 158, 134 ; de- 
scribed in 1680, 128; described in 1693, 
156; evacuated by Confederates, 326; 
evacuated by Federals, 314; population of 
in 1607, 115; population of in 180S, i6g ; 
population of in 1846, 284 ; siege of by 
Pueblos, 133. 

Santa Fe Trail, route of Doniphan's expedi- 
tion, 27. 

Scouts, Apache, used by General Crook 
against other Apaches, 373; Chirica- 
hua's pursued by, 3S0 ; described, 374 to 
376; discover stronghold of hostiles, 380. 

Scurry, Lieut. Colonel, C. S. A., bold charge 
of, 323 ; forms junction with Major Pyron 
at Gallisteo, 320; gallant service of with 
Ills regiment, 307 ; loses his supply train, 

319- 

Seven Cities of Gold, legend of, 20, 21. 

Sibley, Brig. General, H. H., C. S. A., com- 
mands the Confederate invaders, 299 ; 



INDE^t. 



473 



crosses tlie Rio Grande, 303 ; loses part of 
his stock and supply train, 304; opens 
battle of Valverde, 304 ; overcome by 
sickness, 307. 

Sierra Madre Country, 395. 

Sisters of Charity, found hospital and 
orphanage, 413. 

Sisters of Loretto, colony of begun in Santa 
F^, 412. 

Slough, Colonel John P., in command of 
Federal forces at battle of Pigeon's Ranch, 
3>8. 

Sosa, Caspar de Castano, arrest of, 9S ; ex- 
pedition of, 97 ; illegality of, 9S. 

Spaniards in New Mexico, distressing con- 
dition of, 136; number of, in 1680, 12S; 
number who perished, 136 ; perfidy of to 
inhabitants of Tiguex, 60. 

Spencer, Lieut. E. J., U. S. A., official re- 
port on Sierra Rladre country, 394, 395. 

Statehood, applications for, 449 ; claims for, 
450 ; conditions needed for, 453 ; disposi- 
tion of Congress concerning, 449, 450, 452 ; 
hindrances to, 4, 450, 451 ; popular vote 
against, 453. 

Stock Ranges, principal location of, 446. 

strong, William B., President of Atchison, 
Topeka and Santa F^ railroad, 406. 

Tappan, Colonel W. F., attacks Texans at 
Pigeon's Ranch, 320 ; appointment as 
Peace Commissioner, 360 ; commands Col- 
orado troops, 318 ; efficiency of with troops, 
324- 

Taos, Pueblo de, taken by assault by Colonel 
Price, 288, 2S9. 

Texan troops, bravery of at Valverde and 
Pigeon's Ranch, 308, 323 ; desperate 
fighting of , 3 1 1 ; losses of in New Mexico, 
312, 318, 319, 325, 329, 330; retreat of to 
Texas, 329, 330. 

Tiguex, winter quarters of Spaniards at, 57; 
cruelty to inhabitants of, 57 ; siege of, by 
Spaniards, 59. 

Timber Lands, location of, 445. 

Tobar, Pedro de, Captain, subdues the 
Moquis, 57. 

Topography of New Mexico in 1846, 256; 
mineral resources of, 262 ; mountain systems 
of, 236 ; physical features of, 268 ; rivers of, 
261. 

Towns, principal, in a. d. 17S0, A. D. 1800, 
1843, 167, 16S, 169, 263, 267. 



Treaty with Navajoes not fulfilled, 362. 
Turk, the, confession of, 65 ; death of, 65 ; 
the story of to Coronado, 57, 58. 

University of New Mexico at Santa F^, 419; 
at Albuquerque, 424. 

Vaca, Cabeca de, 20 ; effect of reports of, on 
Mendoza, 21 ; return of to Spain, 22. 

Valuation, of New Mexico in 1890, 446 ; tax- 
able property for, 436 ; of crops, 436. 

Valverde, battle of, 304, 313 ; victory for 
Confederates, 313. 

Vargas, Diego de, governor and captain 
general, 147; conflict of with Pueblos, 158, 
162 ; conquers the Jemez Indians, 165 ; 
disastrous fighting with Northern Indians, 
162 ; effects of kind treatment of Indian 
by, 155 ; enters Santa F^, Nov. 16, 1693, 
156 ; makes reconnoissance upon Santa F^ 
in twenty-three days, 147 ; organizes a 
great colonizing expedition, 155; prosper- 
ous administration of, 164; quells the last 
Pueblo rebellion, 166; quiets Apache dis- 
turbances, 164 ; removed from office and 
restored in 1703, 166; subdues twelve 
Pueblos, 148 ; subdues peacefully seventeen 
provinces, 153 ; traits of, 147. 

Victoria, Chief of Chiricahua Apaches, 363 ; 
campaigns of, 364, 370; desperate defense 
and death of, 369; learns arts of civiliza- 
tion, 363 ; refuses to be moved, 363 ; takes 
the war path to die, 363 ; traits of a hero 
in, 369. 

Villanueva, governor, represses the Piros 
and Apaches, 119. 

Volunteers, New Mexican, disorder and with- 
drawal of at Fort Craig, 303. 

Waldo, David, Captain, translates the first 
code of laws and constitution for Territory 
into Spanish, 282. 

War of 1846-47, General Kearney com- 
mands "Army of the West" of, 269; 
Doniphan's expedition in, 269 ; object of, 
268. 

Wyncoop, Major, attacks and captures Con- 
federate wagon train at Johnson's ranch, 
319- 

Xabe, guide to Coronado's march toQuivera, 
61 ; sustains " the Turks' " story, 61. 



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The Story of New York, by Elbridge S. Brooks. 

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THE STORY OF THE STATES. 

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THE STORY OF THE STATES. 

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VI — KENTUCKY. This volume is one of the most stir, 
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